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How is Sweden manageing the conflict between exporting weapons to SaudiArabia and being a bearer of human rights?  Based on an updated restricted regulation when it comes to armsexport, Sweden seems to value human rights more than the finacial benefits that comes with exporting weapons.  Using ideals and interests as described by Goldmann, Coetzee and Ikegami, an analysis is made to measure to what extent the Swedish Government values human rights over economy.

Swedens exports arms to Pakistan despite the existence of laws and conventions on what specific countries must achieve in order to meet the criteria for being exported to. In a realpolitik perspective, this study will deepen and investigate how the Swdish government can approve an arms export to Pakistan and how human rights are violated in Pakistan. In 2018, a munitions law was added and come into force. The law would include an impediment to exports to countries with a dubious democratic status or where human rights are violated. A determination has made that i conditions are given for the Swedish state to grant a permit for arms to exports to Pakistan that seriously violates human rights, a complete assessment has made and decisions made with meaning that the political interests priorities are valued higher than the interests of human rights.

This Bachelor of Arts paper in Media and Communication Studies from Stockholm University examines the image of Russia in Sweden in 1986 and 1993. I studied the Chernobyl disaster in 1986 in Pripyat, Ukraine in the former Soviet Union and the crisis in the White house in Moscow in today’s Russia in 1993. The aim of this paper is to examine how the view on former Soviet Union and today’s Russia was portrayed in Sweden after the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. I have analysed 20 articles from Dagens Nyheter (DN) and Svenska Dagbladet (SvD). I have used “framing” as a method for analysing the articles in relation to Swedish foreign politics and foreign journalism. My research questions are following: what kind of problems, identifying causes, moral judgements and improvements to solutions were found in the investigated articles? What differences, if any, were discovered between DN and SvD’s journalism?   The results of my study showed that DN focused on general news reporting regarding the Chernobyl disaster and Sweden’s critique to the Soviet Union and the poor maintenance of the nuclear power station in a larger extent than SvD. Sweden was the first country to reveal abroad that they had discovered nuclear radiation on Swedish soil. DN framed, among others, how the Soviet Union was incapable of solving the Chernobyl crises on their own. SvD focused on how Sweden was affected by the Chernobyl disaster and the nuclear radiation. SvD framed how the Soviet Union kept quiet during the aftermath and how the Soviets tried to “conceal” information. Both DN and SvD framed the Soviet Union as “unpredictable”. After the crisis in the White house in Moscow DN and SvD were milder in their criticism towards Russia since there was a political and journalistic hope in Sweden that Russia would become a democratic country. Swedish foreign correspondents could therefore in 1993 create their own image of Russia since the Swedish foreign policy was not as clear after the events in Moscow in 1993 as they were after the Chernobyl disaster in 1986. Both newspapers focused on how Boris Yeltsin struggled to solve the crisis and Russia was now torn between the nostalgic Soviet communism and a new democratic Russia. DN and SvD received continually information about the events taking place in Moscow and reported how Russia was torn between a new tsar Russia/a new Soviet Union and a democratic Russia.

This study investigates differences in foreign policy among Swedish political parties during 1972-1982. For 44 years, Sweden was led by the Social Democrats until the centre-right coalition gained power in 1976.  Social Democrat Olof Palme is probably one of the most notable Swedish politicians, known for his strong commitment in foreign policy including opposition to American involvement in Vietnam. However, certain signs show that the centre-right parties also had a strong commitment in many conflicts during the investigated period. Deepened research comparing the left and the right during this period has however not been done. Hence, this study aims to compare if there was any change in policy after 1976, but also look into similarities and differences between the political parties during the whole period. This is done through a comparison of the yearly Swedish foreign policy debates from 1972 to 1982, comparing views in four conflicts at the time: Vietnam, South Africa, Afghanistan and Central America. The findings show many similarities and differences, with small general differences in Swedish foreign policy before and after the historical shift of power in 1976. Interestingly, there is a notable commitment to foreign policy among the centre-right parties - sometimes stronger than Palme and the Social Democrats.