Ron DeSantis has become one of the most important and debated American politicians in recent years largely because of his education policies. This thesis aims to study the existence of conservatism in his laws Stop WOKE Act, Parental Rights in Education Act, and HB 1069 with research questions formulated to study the laws’ conservative idea structures and their similarities and differences. Heywood’s (2021) definition of conservatism lays the ground for the thesis, but it is primarily guided by Marietta’s (2012) four types of American conservatism used to distinguish different conservative types. The method used is a qualitative idea analysis directed by ideal types and a set scale used for a qualitative assessment, which is applied to a material consisting of official legal texts.  The analysis shows that all three laws studied have a Social Conservative and Culture Conservative idea structure. National Defense Conservatism and Economic Conservatism are also expressed, but only in the Stop WOKE Act, while the Parental Rights in Education Act and HB 1069 have similar conservative idea structures. Culture Conservative ideas mainly characterize DeSantis' education policy overall and are the main basis for the debate and criticism surrounding it.

The Sweden Democrats describe themselves as a social conservative party with a nationalistic view, others consider the Swedish democrats as a populistic party. Research on the Sweden Democrats describes the party as a nationalistic, populistic, and conservative party, but very little research has been conducted on the party’s ideological connection to the social democratic ideology or the social conservative ideology. The aim of this essay is therefor to examine if the Sweden Democrats’ politics is rooted in the social democratic ideology or in the social conservative ideology and if so to which extent. This is done through a qualitative idea analysis. The analysis is based on the Sweden democrats’ 2022 election manifesto on the basis of the ideologies social conservatism and social democracy. The analysis is based on the analysis of the Sweden Democrats’ standpoints on freedom, equality, and community in both the state and the civil society. Subsequently the analysis is made based on the analysis schemas for both social conservatism and social democracy to see if the Sweden Democrats’ politics can be connected to any of these ideologies. The result of the analysis shows that the Sweden Democrats 2022 election manifesto is largely rooted in the social conservative ideology, but there are parts of the election manifesto that fall into the social democratic ideology. The conclusions that can be made based on the result shows that more social conservative incentives can be found in the party’s election manifesto rather than social democratic incentives, even though some social democratic elements occur they are a lot less prevalent than the social conservative ideology.

The purpose of this thesis has been to explore if the communicative approach towards Russia, from the European Union and the United States has changed since the Russian invasion of Ukraine. To achieve this a comparative mixed method approach has been used, based on three theories of international relations: liberalism, realism and social constructivism. The mixed method was compiled of an ideological analysis and a frequency analysis conducted on speeches and statements from leading figures from both the European Union and the United States.  The main conclusion of this thesis states that the communication from both actors has changed from a liberal standpoint to a more realistic standpoint since the start of the conflict. The main difference between the actors was seen before the conflict, where the United States used a mixed approach of liberalism and realism, and the European Union used a primarily liberal approach. The changing state of the world could be used as an explanation of the changed communicative approach.

The aim of this thesis is to examine what ideas of unhealthy lifestyle are prominent in the recently published national care protocol for unhealthy lifestyle habits in Sweden, henceforth Vårdprogrammet. These ideas will further be examined in relation to older systems of ideas/ideologies within health care, based on previous research. The empirical material consists mainly of Vårdprogrammet. Aiming to deepen the understanding of this material, I have further perused current official reports regarding public health, related guidelines from the National Board of Health and Welfare as well as related regional care protocols. The method used is inspired by the model developed by Mats Lindberg for qualitative analysis of ideas and ideological content. The analysis of the empirical material shows that the health concept is defined by pointing out its negation, i.e. what unhealthy lifestyles look like. Vårdprogrammet expresses a line of political, cultural and ethical values. They can analytically be summarized as (1) democracy and equality, (2) climate awareness, (3) demands of evidence-based knowledge (4) political cooperation, and (5) ethical principles. The work with unhealthy lifestyle is related to the UN global aim for sustainable development. Agenda 2030 can be viewed as an overall societal hygienic programme, within which the large health problem that lifestyle habits constitute, will be solved. Similar views were held within social hygiene in the mid-19th century, where health and disease were seen as a societal matter. Vårdprogrammet is stated to be based on the ethical principle of person-centred approach. One can however also discern other ethical principles, such as the autonomy, care and justice principles. A health-promoting approach, salutogenesis, pervades the view of the patient/human in the prescribed interaction with patients.