The unimpressive archaeological record of the last Mayan pre-Hispanic period has been traditionally interpreted as one of a society in decadence. However, archaeological remains evidencing stylistic homogenization across regions and documentary accounts written during the conquest describing thriving markets and entrepreneurial people have indicated to some a mercantile society linked by extensive networks of communication. Under the weaker political environment of this period, it is expected that a mercantile environment presented more competition and more ceramic producers. This research used petrographic analysis and XRD of the pottery of Mayapan the last Maya capital, to detect ceramic compositional groups, which research has associated with the number of pottery producers. The number of producers is usually taken as a reflection of the degree of competition. This research found multiple compositional groups and the use of fewer ceramic materials that nonetheless are technologically advantageous, suggesting a more competitive and pragmatic society. / by Carmen Giomar Sanchez Fortoul. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2009. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2009. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

Les pratiques funéraires sont, dans l’aire maya, étroitement associées aux ensembles résidentiels. La proximité entre les vivants et les morts y est donc maximale, l’espace quotidien étant tout à la fois un lieu d’habitat et un espace funéraire. Cela soulève un certain nombre de questions quant à la relation entre ces individus défunts et leurs descendants, interrogations encore renforcées par l’important degré de sélection qui semble s’exercer à l’endroit des morts. Les Groupes résidentiels sont, pour ces derniers, des lieux dont l’accès est restreint par un certain nombre de paramètres dont le plus important est sans nul doute le statut - situation complexité par l’existence de nombreuses nuances régionales.La présente étude comprend en premier lieu une discussion générale autour de la question des morts dans l’habitat, augmentée d’une discussion méthodologique approfondie concernant la fouille. Elle se poursuit avec la présentation des résultats de la fouille intensive de l’unité 5N6 de Naachtun (Guatemala), qui illustre concrètement le propos développé précédemment. Enfin, les données de différents sites sont confrontées pour mettre en évidence schémas récurrents et différences, puis discutées à la lumière de quelques exemples ethnographiques. / In the Maya area, funerary practices are tightly linked to residential spaces. The proximity between the living and the dead is, therefore, at its apex. This situation raises a number of questions regarding the relationship between these defunct and their living heirs, inter-rogations reinforced by the high selectivity that seems to affect the sample. The residential Groups appear to be restricted areas for the dead, places that only a selected few can access according to different parameters. Amongst these, status is certainly the most prominent. It is further complexified by the existence of regional variations.This study opens with a general approach that deals with the practice of burying the dead within the house, complete with an extensive methodological discussion. A presentation of the excavation results from Naachtun’s Unit 5N6 (Guatemala) follows to illustrate the foregoing. Finally, data from several sites are statistically compared to show similarities and differencies, then discussed in light of several ethnographical studies.

<p>I denna uppsats beskrivs metoder för att skapa en arm i 3D samt att lägga in den i ett foto där den ersätter en riktigt arm. Anledningen till detta är att kunna skapa effekter i filmer och bilder som inte är möjliga med analog teknik. I denna uppsats kan man läsa om tekniker som används i varje del av utvecklingsprocessen och problem som uppstår samt lösningar och tips. I uppgiften finns det med delar som Modellering, Texturering, Rendering, Kamera Matchmoving och Compositing.</p>

Since they first emerged into the public consciousness in 1994, the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) has gathered considerable attention and support on the world stage for its struggle with the Mexican federal government over the issue of indigenous rights. The Zapatistas are now popularly viewed as indigenous rebels standing up for indigenous rights against the neoliberal economics. Yet comparatively less attention has been given to its struggles with the federal government over an area of protected land within the Lacandón jungle known as the Montes Azules Biosphere Reserve. The conflict is centered on a large settler population within the Reserve and whether it is a threat to the jungles viability. The environmental group, Conservation International (CI) believes that they are, yet the settlers enjoy the support of the EZLN, who opposes any attempt to move them. Despite this dispute, the two organizations claim seemingly similar goals. CI has declared that it is dedicated to local control over conservation projects. Meanwhile, EZLN has been fighting for greater local political power in regards to indigenous government. More striking still, is that this matter has placed the EZLN in direct opposition to the Lacandón Maya, even though it has portrayed itself as the defender of all of Mexicos indigenous people.<p>It is these apparent contradictions between the EZLNs political positions and the actual sides of the conflict that make the struggle over Montes Azules worth examining. Beyond the simplified statements of public platforms, the objections of the EZLN to the reserve and its supporters to the Lacandones position are rooted in historical conflicts over decision making on landholding. The EZLN feels that the government has constantly excluded indigenous farmers from decision making over this matter to their detriment and thus it feels that local control over land is a fundamental part of indigenous life. As such its position on Montes Azules must be understood in terms of how its ideas of being indigenous come into conflict with the Lacandón Mayas territory in the reserve and CIs position on the settler population. In this way indigenous identity is seen not merely as a matter of cultural significance, but a foundation for a concrete political agenda, which is articulated in the EZLNs stance over Montes Azules.

Since they first emerged into the public consciousness in 1994, the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) has gathered considerable attention and support on the world stage for its struggle with the Mexican federal government over the issue of indigenous rights. The Zapatistas are now popularly viewed as indigenous rebels standing up for indigenous rights against the neoliberal economics. Yet comparatively less attention has been given to its struggles with the federal government over an area of protected land within the Lacandón jungle known as the Montes Azules Biosphere Reserve. The conflict is centered on a large settler population within the Reserve and whether it is a threat to the jungles viability. The environmental group, Conservation International (CI) believes that they are, yet the settlers enjoy the support of the EZLN, who opposes any attempt to move them. Despite this dispute, the two organizations claim seemingly similar goals. CI has declared that it is dedicated to local control over conservation projects. Meanwhile, EZLN has been fighting for greater local political power in regards to indigenous government. More striking still, is that this matter has placed the EZLN in direct opposition to the Lacandón Maya, even though it has portrayed itself as the defender of all of Mexicos indigenous people.<p>It is these apparent contradictions between the EZLNs political positions and the actual sides of the conflict that make the struggle over Montes Azules worth examining. Beyond the simplified statements of public platforms, the objections of the EZLN to the reserve and its supporters to the Lacandones position are rooted in historical conflicts over decision making on landholding. The EZLN feels that the government has constantly excluded indigenous farmers from decision making over this matter to their detriment and thus it feels that local control over land is a fundamental part of indigenous life. As such its position on Montes Azules must be understood in terms of how its ideas of being indigenous come into conflict with the Lacandón Mayas territory in the reserve and CIs position on the settler population. In this way indigenous identity is seen not merely as a matter of cultural significance, but a foundation for a concrete political agenda, which is articulated in the EZLNs stance over Montes Azules.

Land and water use at archaeological sites is a growing field of study within Mesoamerican archaeology. In Mesoamerica, similar to elsewhere in the world, landscapes were settled based partially upon the characteristics of the environment and the types of food and water resources available. Across Mesoamerica, landscape concepts were also important to religious beliefs and ritual activity in a manner that may have had the potential to influence the power dynamics of a site. This thesis focuses on the management of water at the site of Takalik Abaj in Guatemala during the Middle to Late Preclassic periods (c. 1000 B.C. - A.D. 250) in order to analyze potential ritual and political functions of the water management system. Using spatial data within GIS, this thesis examines the flow of water across the site as directed by its topographical features. The archaeological record of Takalik Abaj and comparisons to water management systems at other Mesoamerican sites are also used to investigate the functions of the water management system. Thesis findings suggest that the water management system of Takalik Abaj was multi-faceted and that ritual functions tied to the control of water may have contributed to the identities and power of the elite.

In 1952, when Alberto Ruz Lhuillier discovered the magnificent chamber and tomb of K'inich Janaab' Pakal I, the Classic Maya king of Palenque, many scholars from around the world declared that it was one of the greatest discoveries in Mesoamerican archaeology. Although there are summary accounts describing the life of the man who discovered the tomb, there are no detailed biographies, nor are there any in-depth discussions about his ten year's work at the archaeological site of Palenque, México that took place in the late 1940's and 1950's. This study fills that information gap. It is a "behind the scenes" narrative that includes an internal and external historiography of the archaeological project. Within that framework, a short biography of Ruz's life before and after the work is included. Ruz and many others have written extensively about the excavations, the iconography and the epigraphy of the site, but the story contained herein has never been told, since it is derived from primary sources including personal accounts, newspaper articles, correspondence, progress reports, interviews, unpublished and translated Informes de Trabajo, and Anales del Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Historia y Etnografía. The outcome of this approach is a new view of the excavations and of the man who conducted them. In addition, the study includes a consideration of the political and cultural context within which the excavations took place, thus fostering an understanding of how these issues played out in the work. Through this micro- and macrohistorical approach one may detect and perhaps understand the personal and social influences present at the time of excavation. This approach also gives insight into how these forces shaped the broader history of Maya archaeology in Mexico. / text

À la fin du siècle dernier, lorsque les mouvements féministes secouèrent les milieux intellectuels, les questionnements sur le genre se sont retrouvés au cœur des débats en sciences sociales et en archéologie. L’archéologie maya n’échappa pas à la règle et les femmes, jusque là restées dans l’ombre, retrouvèrent une visibilité. Ce mémoire a pour objectif de dégager la complexité des constructions sociales, symboliques et idéologiques de genre au sein des couches sociales les plus élevées de la société maya classique, en regroupant et en confrontant une bonne partie des données archéologiques, iconographiques, épigraphiques mais aussi ethnohistoriques répertoriées dans la littérature. Nos résultats défendent l’idée selon laquelle les relations et les identités de genres au sein des élites dirigeantes, mais également non dirigeantes, étaient construites autour d'un principe fondamental de la pensée maya : la dualité complémentaire. / At the turn of the century, as feminist movements shook the foundations of academia, questions of gender were pushed to the fore front of debates in social sciences and archaeology. Mayan archaeology has followed this trend, shedding light on the previously neglected role of women in these societies. The goal of this thesis is to capture the complexity underlining the social, symbolic and ideological construction of gender in the upper echelons of classical Mayan society. This objective is pursued by compiling and confronting archaeological, iconographical, epigraphic and ethnohistorical data found in the literature. Our results support the thesis according to which relations and, identities pertaining to gender among the Mayan ruling and non-ruling elites were constructed along the lines of a fundamental principal of Mayan thought and culture: complimentary duality.

A wealth of research into medical and healing traditions of Maya communities has been conducted. Previous research has also explored unique conceptions of health and disorder held by Maya peoples. This study adds the voices of Q’eqchi’ Maya healers of southern Belize to this accruing research. Working from Indigenous research paradigms, a nine-month ethnographic study with six practicing members of the Q’eqchi’ Healers Association (QHA) of Belize occurred. The QHA is an endogenous grass-roots association formed in 1999 to preserve Maya medical knowledge and healing practices. In collaboration with the QHA members, this research focused on the healers’ conceptualizations and treatments of mental illness and disorders. During ethnographic research, 94 in-depth qualitative interviews with the six members of the QHA and 43 observations of healing encounters occurred. Twenty-six additional interviews were held with patients and participation in other healing ceremonies and cultural gatherings frequently took place. From the analysis of these data, there are 17 different mental illnesses and disorders recognized by the Q’eqchi’ healers that fall within one of four broad “narrative genres.” The main argument of the dissertation is that these “narrative genres” are epistemological structures that the healers use to “read” and “emplot” specific cases of illness to which they attend. Since narrative theory and research focuses largely on individual patient experiences, this study expands contemporary theory by looking at the Q’eqchi’ healers medical epistemology through a narrative lens. It is argued that a deeper understanding of Q’eqchi’ conceptions of mental illness and disorder can also aid dialogues between the “traditional” healers and biomedical practitioners working within the Belize Ministry of Health while also improving the treatment of Q’eqchi’ patients. This research adds to the areas of applied ethnography, narrative theory, Indigenous epistemology, cultural psychiatry, medical anthropology, and medical pluralism.

Dans cette thèse, je montre que la production de la glottalisation dans l'espagnol parlé au Yucatán, Mexique, se manifeste différemment selon sa position dans le mot et selon la compétence linguistique du locuteur. La consonne glottale à l'intervocalique se distingue d'une glottalisation en finale par des variations de la glotte. Ces différences physiologiques sont confirmées dans ce travail par l'analyse des signaux de parole et laryngographiques. Les différences se manifestent par un DEV (durée d'établissement du voisement) de la consonne glottale significativement inférieur à celui des occlusives glottalisées chez tous les locuteurs Yucatèques et une réponse du bruit de l'explosion (résonance) plus faible. Ce dernier effet résulte de décalage temporel qui s'établit entre les articulateurs de la cavité buccale et ceux de la glotte pour la production des occlusives glottalisées. La fréquence d'énergie de l'explosion et la durée des occlusives glottalisées et de la consonne glottale sont influencées par leur position dans le mot. Elles varient aussi en fonction des locuteurs (bilinguemonolingue). La consonne glottale (entre deux voyelles ou en position finale), considérée par des phonéticiens mayanistes comme une occlusive glottale, est produite comme une fricative glottale à l'intervocalique, comme une fricative ou une occlusive glottale en finale par les Yucatèques.