Nessa dissertação, procuramos discutir o processo de territorialização do que veio a ser instituído em Minas Gerais, a partir da década de 1960, como o Vale do Jequitinhonha. Abordamos esse processo de territorialização em seus contornos coloniais, uma vez que seu sentido conformou as relações sociais de produção particulares que passaram a viabilizar a acumulação de capital com a generalização do trabalho livre. Nesse contexto, instaurou-se no nordeste mineiro uma dinâmica regional de expansão da fazenda agropecuária, fundada na relação de agregação de lavradores, na qual o controle territorial, por meio da possibilidade do emprego direto da violência, condicionou a subordinação do trabalho. Essas relações sociais de produção regionais, por sua vez, passaram a ser objeto da intervenção estatal a partir das décadas de 1960 e 1970. Abordamos essa intervenção como parte do processo de modernização retardatária, movido nacionalmente como esforço de industrialização e de superação de formas de acumulação tidas como arcaicas. Modernização que, por meio da imposição de uma forma determinada de desenvolvimento, fundada na consolidação da propriedade da terra e na formação do trabalhador assalariado, deveria alimentar a indústria em formação no centro-sul do país. Por fim, partimos do processo de expropriação dos antigos lavradores do Vale do Jequitinhonha para observar a transformação dos mesmos em trabalhadores bóias-frias, em condições definidas pelos limites da modernização, que explicita seu caráter crítico. / This thesis discuss the process of territorialization established in the state of Minas Gerais, Brazil, from the 1960s onwards, the Vale do Jequitinhonha region. We approach this process of territorialization in its colonial boundaries since its sense conformed particular social relations of production which began to enable capital accumulation with free labor generalization. In this context, a regional dynamic of agricultural farm expansion was set up in the northeast of Minas Gerais based on the relation of a particular subordination of the local population (of the agregados) , in which the territorial control, through direct violence, conditioned the labor force exploitation. Eventually, these social relations of regional production became the object of governmental intervention from the 1960s and the 1970s. We see this intervention as part of the nationwide accelerated modernization process, as an effort of industrialization and overcoming accumulation methods regarded as archaic. This was carried out through the imposition of a specific pattern of development, based on the consolidation of land ownership and salaried labor force training, which should supply the newly established industry in the central and southern regions of Brazil. Finally, we focus the expropriation process of former land workers from the Vale do Jequitinhonha to observe their transformation into day-laborers, in conditions defined by the modernization limits, which reveal its critical character.

<p>Labour mobility can in theory be an efficient channel for knowledge transfer between cluster firms, thus contributing to growth and competitiveness. In the thesis labour mobility in two Swedish ICT clusters is studied. The purpose of the thesis is to develop an understanding of processes of labour mobility in clusters and to investigate whether mobility can be regarded as a cluster advantage. Both interview data and extensive registry data are used in order to analyse processes of mobility at three levels: individual, firm and cluster level.</p><p>The results show that labour mobility can to some extent be considered a cluster advantage for Swedish ICT firms, since cluster firms are likely to experience a higher level of labour mobility. It is also shown how mobility to and from the clusters contributes to the upgrading of formal competencies within cluster firms. However, the firms themselves are shown to rather focus on staff retention than turnover. </p><p>To some degree, labour mobility in the Swedish clusters in focus is presumably constrained by the formal institutional framework, as well as by informal rules and agreements between cluster firms. It is argued nonetheless that the sheer potential for mobility and the viability of informal hiring practices in clusters may be viewed as cluster advantages, besides the actual extent of labour mobility.</p>

Labour mobility can in theory be an efficient channel for knowledge transfer between cluster firms, thus contributing to growth and competitiveness. In the thesis labour mobility in two Swedish ICT clusters is studied. The purpose of the thesis is to develop an understanding of processes of labour mobility in clusters and to investigate whether mobility can be regarded as a cluster advantage. Both interview data and extensive registry data are used in order to analyse processes of mobility at three levels: individual, firm and cluster level. The results show that labour mobility can to some extent be considered a cluster advantage for Swedish ICT firms, since cluster firms are likely to experience a higher level of labour mobility. It is also shown how mobility to and from the clusters contributes to the upgrading of formal competencies within cluster firms. However, the firms themselves are shown to rather focus on staff retention than turnover. To some degree, labour mobility in the Swedish clusters in focus is presumably constrained by the formal institutional framework, as well as by informal rules and agreements between cluster firms. It is argued nonetheless that the sheer potential for mobility and the viability of informal hiring practices in clusters may be viewed as cluster advantages, besides the actual extent of labour mobility.

This thesis examines the comprehensive Trade, Investment and Labour Mobility Agreement (TILMA) that was signed in 2006 by the governments of Alberta and British Columbia. The central objective is to examine why two successive Saskatchewan governments chose not to sign the TILMA. This thesis also examines the TILMAs influence on subsequent developments in internal trade policy reform in Canada. The three central research questions are: What is the TILMA, and how does it fit within the existing internal trade regulatory regime established under the Agreement on Internal Trade (AIT)? Why did Saskatchewan not sign the TILMA? What effect, if any, has the TILMA had on establishing a new model or paradigm for internal trade policy in Canada? The key findings are that Saskatchewan did not sign the TILMA because Alberta and British Columbia would not accede to its demands to make exemptions for the procurement practices of municipalities and the subsidiaries of crown corporations. Another factor was the decision by the Saskatchewan government to launch a public consultation process before ratifying the agreement. The public consultation process provided the opponents of the agreement (i.e., municipal government, labour and non-governmental organizations) with an opportunity to organize and express their opposition to the agreement. Their strong opposition to the agreement during those consultations led both the NDP Government and subsequently a cautious Saskatchewan Party Government, which only had a slim majority in the legislature to walk away from what was being portrayed in the media as a very contentious policy decision. Their choice stands in contrast to that of the Liberal and Conservative Governments of British Columbia and Alberta respectively, that chose to sign the TILMA prior to undertaking consultations with the public and community stakeholders. In 2010 the Saskatchewan Party government would sign the New West Partnership Trade Agreement that included almost all of the provisions of the TILMA without public or stakeholder consultation. This thesis reveals that the TILMA has had modest but important effects on establishing a new model or paradigm for internal trade policy in Canada by enhancing the utility and scope of binding enforcement mechanisms and comprehensive interprovincial agreements. It was more comprehensive in scope than interprovincial agreements that had been signed previously to supplement the AIT. Contrary to what some had envisioned or proclaimed, the TILMA did not have substantial transformative effects either in addressing internal trade barriers in Canada or in supplanting the existing framework of internal trade policy established under the AIT.

This thesis examines the comprehensive Trade, Investment and Labour Mobility Agreement (TILMA) that was signed in 2006 by the governments of Alberta and British Columbia. The central objective is to examine why two successive Saskatchewan governments chose not to sign the TILMA. This thesis also examines the TILMAs influence on subsequent developments in internal trade policy reform in Canada. The three central research questions are: What is the TILMA, and how does it fit within the existing internal trade regulatory regime established under the Agreement on Internal Trade (AIT)? Why did Saskatchewan not sign the TILMA? What effect, if any, has the TILMA had on establishing a new model or paradigm for internal trade policy in Canada? The key findings are that Saskatchewan did not sign the TILMA because Alberta and British Columbia would not accede to its demands to make exemptions for the procurement practices of municipalities and the subsidiaries of crown corporations. Another factor was the decision by the Saskatchewan government to launch a public consultation process before ratifying the agreement. The public consultation process provided the opponents of the agreement (i.e., municipal government, labour and non-governmental organizations) with an opportunity to organize and express their opposition to the agreement. Their strong opposition to the agreement during those consultations led both the NDP Government and subsequently a cautious Saskatchewan Party Government, which only had a slim majority in the legislature to walk away from what was being portrayed in the media as a very contentious policy decision. Their choice stands in contrast to that of the Liberal and Conservative Governments of British Columbia and Alberta respectively, that chose to sign the TILMA prior to undertaking consultations with the public and community stakeholders. In 2010 the Saskatchewan Party government would sign the New West Partnership Trade Agreement that included almost all of the provisions of the TILMA without public or stakeholder consultation. This thesis reveals that the TILMA has had modest but important effects on establishing a new model or paradigm for internal trade policy in Canada by enhancing the utility and scope of binding enforcement mechanisms and comprehensive interprovincial agreements. It was more comprehensive in scope than interprovincial agreements that had been signed previously to supplement the AIT. Contrary to what some had envisioned or proclaimed, the TILMA did not have substantial transformative effects either in addressing internal trade barriers in Canada or in supplanting the existing framework of internal trade policy established under the AIT.

No abstract available. / Thesis (M.B.A)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietemaritzburg, 2005.

This thesis examines the labour market for medical laboratory specialists, specifically anatomical pathologists and haematologists in KwaZulu-Natal. It aimed to establish the extent of mobility of pathologists from the public to the private sector and vice versa. This study also aimed to investigate the reasons for such movement and importantly, the effects of this mobility. Lee’s (1966) push-pull theory of migration was assessed in terms of its applicability to mobility in the local context and is extended and adapted to this context. The five key research questions on which this thesis is based are: What is the nature of labour markets for medical laboratory specialists in KwaZulu-Natal? What is the extent of the mobility of medical laboratory specialists from the public sector to the private sector and vice versa in KwaZulu-Natal? What are the causes of such mobility between public and private sectors in KwaZulu-Natal? What are the effects or implications of the movement of medical laboratory specialists in KwaZulu-Natal? Lastly, to what extent can Lee’s (1966) push-pull theory of migration be adapted to account for the mobility of anatomical pathologists and haematologists between the public and private sectors in KwaZulu-Natal? This study adopted a case study design that used a purposive sampling strategy. There were 23 participants involved in the study. Of the 23 participants selected, 11 were anatomical pathologists and nine were haematologists. The remaining three participants were a microbiologist, a migration specialist and an international anatomical pathologist. Key findings indicated that mobility between the public and private sectors does occur. The labour market for medical laboratory specialists displayed 23 anatomical pathologists and 11 haematologists in KwaZulu-Natal. Financial reasons were not the only reasons that pathologists switched sectors; rather the decision rested on several other non-economic factors such as the working environment, flexibility and even management styles. The effects of mobility include delays in diagnosis and patient care as well as increased stress levels and workloads of specialists. Certain push-pull factors of Lee’s (1966) push-pull theory were found to apply to the local context of this study. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2012.

Abstract not available. / Thesis (M.B.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2005.

Es gibt seit mehreren Jahren eine angeregte Diskussion über Wohl und Übel der Globalisierung beziehungsweise der Internationalisierung von Wertschöpfungsketten. Handelspolitische Empfehlungen basieren häufig auf theoretischen Modellen, welche meist positive gesamtwirtschaftliche Wohlfahrtseffekte der Globalisierung prognostizieren. Allerdings verwenden die Standardmodelle oft relativ unrealistische Annahmen bezüglich der Mobilität der Arbeitskräfte. Mit Mobilität ist hier nicht die regionale Mobilität gemeint (welche ebenfalls nicht als perfekt angenommen werden sollte), sondern intersektorale Mobilität (Mobilität zwischen verschiedenen Wirtschaftszweigen) und intrasektorale Mobilität (Mobilität zwischen verschiedenen Berufen). Dabei geht es nicht allein um monetäre Kosten, wie sie durch Umzug oder eine Weiterbildung entstehen, sondern auch um nicht-monetäre Wohlfahrtsverluste. Nicht monetäre Wohlfahrtsverluste können zum Beispiel dadurch verursacht werden, dass eine Person nicht den von ihr erlernten Beruf ausüben kann oder sich an unattraktive Arbeitszeiten gewöhnen muss. Ziel der Arbeit soll es sein, aufzuzeigen, welche Konsequenzen sich aus der zunehmenden Internationalisierung von Wertschöpfungsketten für die gesamtwirtschaftliche Wohlfahrt, Lohnhöhe und Einkommensverteilung ergeben. Dabei spielt die Mobilität der Produktionsfaktoren eine bedeutende Rolle für die Anpassungsfähigkeit einer Volkswirtschaft. Es ist zu erwarten, dass geringe Mobilität zu kurzfristigen Wohlfahrtsverlusten für wenigstens einen Teil der Arbeitskräfte eines Hochlohnlandes führen kann. Zunächst soll diese Fragestellung anhand aktueller theoretischer Modelle beleuchtet werden. Da diese statischen Modelle relativ unrealistische Annahmen bezüglich der Mobilität des Faktors Arbeit treffen, soll auf Basis von Daten der Bundesrepublik Deutschland aus dem Zeitraum von 1975 bis 2004 die tatsächliche intersektorale Mobilität sowie die intrasektorale Mobilität des Faktors Arbeit differenziert nach dem Qualifikationsniveau der Arbeitskräfte geschätzt werden. Unter Verwendung der Ergebnisse dieser Untersuchung soll eines der zuvor dargestellten Modelle dynamisiert werden um die Arbeitsmarktimplikationen verschiedener Schocks vor dem Hintergrund internationalisierter Wertschöpfungsketten zu identifizieren.

Diss. Uppsala : Uppsala universitet, 2005.