A presente pesquisa visa ao estudo do sistema vocálico do saami skolt (língua da família fino-úgrica, falada na Finlândia e na Rússia) ao longo do século XX, com base em dados bibliográficos, mais especificamente transcrições fonéticas feitas nos períodos pré- e pós-realocações do povo saami skolt dos vilarejos originais para a Finlândia. Procuro fazer um estudo dialetal, traçando as particularidades dos dialetos originais quanto ao sistema vocálico, e analisar esses dois registros da língua à luz da perspectiva variacionista de Labov (Weinreich et al., 1968) e Guy (Guy, 2003), considerando também as relações de contato. O saami skolt é uma língua minoritária, falada por um povo indígena de mesmo nome, cujo número estimado de falantes varia entre 150 e 300 (Feist, 2015, 22). Impactos profundos na comunidade de fala ocorreram ao longo do século XX, em especial, a realocação do povo saami skolt de seus territórios originais na Rússia para a Finlândia, por volta da década de 40. O corpus da pesquisa foi organizado a partir do registro em transcrição fonética dos dialetos originais, feito no período pré-realocações, por Toivo Itkonen, no formato do dicionário Koltan- ja Kuolanlapin sanakirja (Itkonen, 2011 [1958]) e as transcrições fonéticas e fonológicas da língua feitas entre as décadas de 60 e 70 por Korhonen (1971); Korhonen et al. (1973). A Grammar of Skolt Saami (Feist, 2015), que aborda também a situação do saami skolt no século XXI, é uma das bases para a pesquisa e descrição da língua. Através da análise dos dados, foi possível observar e descrever a heterogeneidade da língua e de seus dialetos quanto ao inventário de vogais e ditongos. Um dos fatores observados foi, no dialeto de Paatsjoki, a ocorrência alofones anteriorizados, em comparação aos dialetos de Suonikylä e Nuortijärvi. / This research aims at the study of the vowel system of Skolt Saami (a Finnougric language spoken in Finland and Russia) over the 20th century, based on bibliographic data, more specifically phonetic transcriptions previous to and after the relocation of the Skolt people from their original villages to Finland. I intend to do a dialect study, describing the features of the original dialects regarding the vowel system and analyse these two records of the language guided by the variacionist approach of Labov (Weinreich et al., 1968) and Guy (Guy, 2003), also taking into account the languages contact relations. The Skolt Saami is a minority language spoken by a homonymous indigenous people, with an estimated number of speakers that varies between 150 and 300 (Feist, 2015, 22). The speech community went through deep impacts over the 20th century, in particular the relocation of the Skolt Saami people from their original territories in Russia to Finland, around the 1940s. The corpus was compiled using the records in phonetic transcriptions of the original dialects made by Toivo Itkonen, prior to the relocations, in the dictionary Koltan- ja Kuolanlapin sanakirja (Itkonen, 2011 [1958]), as well as the phonetic and phonemic transcriptions of the language made between the 1960s and 1970s by Korhonen (1971); Korhonen et al. (1973). A Grammar of Skolt Saami (Feist, 2015), which approaches the Skolt Saami situation also in the 21st century, is one of the basis for this project and description of the language. Through the analysis of data, it was possible to observe and describe the heterogeneity of the language regarding the vowel and diphthong inventory. One of the features found was, in the dialect of Paatsjoki, the occurrence of more fronted allophones, in comparison to the inventory of the dialects of Suonikylä and Nuortijärvi.

« Kem », « sôcôla », « actisô », « sơ mi », « cà ra vát », « cao su », « buýt », « ampli », « xăng », « xi măng », etc.. Ces mots vietnamiens sonnent-ils plus ou moins français ? Une partie du lexique de la langue vietnamienne vient du français qui a marqué le Vietnam de sa présence par la colonisation française durant environ un siècle (XVIIIe-XIXe) en Indochine en général et au Vietnam en particulier. Aujourd’hui, le régime colonial relève d’ouvrages historiques mais ces traces francophones perdurent encore dans les usages linguistiques actuels au Vietnam. Toutefois, ces ressources sociolinguistiques, qui ouvrent un riche potentiel en matière linguistique et culturelle, sont ignorées en didactique du français aux apprenants vietnamiens. Dans le but de vérifier l’importance de ces éléments, notamment à travers leur perception sociale par les Vietnamiens à l’heure actuelle, une enquête sociolinguistique a été réalisée sur le terrain. Les propositions didactiques présentées par la suite permettent de confirmer que la mise en avant de ces ressources francophones ou d’origine francophone au Vietnam constitue un facilitateur d’appropriation du français dans ce pays et ouvre vers une dynamique didactique plurilingue. / « Kem », « sôcôla », « actisô », « sơ mi », « cà ra vát », « cao su », « buýt », « ampli », « xăng », « xi măng », etc.. These Vietnamese words sound more or less French ? A part of vocabulary of the Vietnamese language comes from French which marked Vietnam from its presence by the French colonization for about a century (XVIII-XIX) in Indochina in general and in Vietnam in particular. Today, the colonial regime raise from history books but these French traces persist still in actual linguistic uses in Vietnam. However, these sociolinguistic resources, opening a rich potential for linguistic and cultural material, are ignored in teaching French to Vietnamese learners. In order to verify the importance of these elements, particularly through their social perception by the Vietnamese currently, a sociolinguistic survey was conducted in the field. Didactic proposals then presented permit to confirm that the highlighting of these French or French origin resources in Vietnam is a facilitator of appropriation of French in this country and opens to a dynamic multilingual didactic

A presente tese realiza uma descrição e análise da marcação de terceira pessoa de plural nas comunidades quilombolas de Mamuna e Itamatatiua, localizadas em Alcântara (MA). Esta marcação está no centro dos debates sobre a formação do português brasileiro, ora sendo tomada para explicar a deriva (Naro & Scherre, 2007), ora para explicar o contato linguístico (Lucchesi et al., 2009; Silva, 2005, entre outros). Esta pesquisa parte do princípio de que o contato ocorrido na época colonial entre o português trazido para o Brasil àquela época, as diferentes línguas africanas trazidas para cá, especialmente as línguas bantas (LBs), e as diferentes línguas indígenas existentes neste território, é o responsável pelas particularidades do português falado no Brasil. Nesse sentido, as especificidades da marcação de terceira pessoa das comunidades alcantarenses podem ser explicadas a partir do contato linguístico estabelecido na formação dessas comunidades. O plural de terceira pessoa em Mamuna e Itamatatiua traz um terceiro tipo de marcação, que emerge a partir do processo fonológico de redução dos ditongos nasais pós-tônicos finais. Esta marcação revela-se como a mais produtiva não só em termos quantitativos, mas também por aparecer em contextos distintos aos de outras comunidades, como verbos no presente do indicativo, verbos de segunda conjugação e verbos irregulares. Os processos fonológicos para evitar encontros vocálicos das LBs e o contexto final átono poderia explicar essa redução, apontada por diferentes autores como característica da fala de pretos (Mendonça, 1933; Raimundo, 1933, entre outros). Adicionalmente, a ecologia externa de formação das comunidades alcantarenses poderia ter ajudado não apenas na manutenção desse final reduzido, mas na sua reinterpretação como morfema plural de terceira pessoa, bem como na sua expansão para contextos nos quais uma redução fonológica para uma vogal posterior não seria prevista no português brasileiro. / This thesis presents a linguistic description and analysis of the third person plural mark in the Quilombola communities of Mamuna and Itamatatiua located in Alcântara (MA). This mark is in centering of debates about formation of Brazilian Portuguese and may be used to explain linguistic drift and language contact (Naro & Scherre, 2007), (Lucchesi et al., 2009; Silva, 2005, among others). This research assumes that linguistic contact between the Portuguese brought to Brazil in the colonial era, different African languages, especially Bantu languages (LBs), and different Native Brazilian languages spoken in the territory, is responsible for peculiarities of the Portuguese spoken in Brazil. In this sense, specificities of the third person plural of Alcântara communities can be explained by linguistic contact established in formation of these communities. These third person plural in Mamuna and Itamatatiua have a third type of plural that emerges from the phonological process of reduction of nasal diphthongs in a final post-tonic position which proves to be the most productive in quantitative terms that appear in different contexts, i.e. verbs in present indicative, verbs of second conjugation and irregular verbs. The phonological processes to avoid vowel encounters of LBs and final unaccented context could explain the reduction that characterize black speech or fala de pretos, as pointed out by different authors (Mendonça, 1933; Raimundo, 1933 among others). In addition, the external ecology of Alcântara communitiess formation could have helped not only maintain the final reduced mark but in its reinterpretation as plural morpheme of third person, as well as its expansion into contexts in which phonological reduction for posterior vowel would not be anticipated in Brazilian Portuguese.

A presente pesquisa visa ao estudo do sistema vocálico do saami skolt (língua da família fino-úgrica, falada na Finlândia e na Rússia) ao longo do século XX, com base em dados bibliográficos, mais especificamente transcrições fonéticas feitas nos períodos pré- e pós-realocações do povo saami skolt dos vilarejos originais para a Finlândia. Procuro fazer um estudo dialetal, traçando as particularidades dos dialetos originais quanto ao sistema vocálico, e analisar esses dois registros da língua à luz da perspectiva variacionista de Labov (Weinreich et al., 1968) e Guy (Guy, 2003), considerando também as relações de contato. O saami skolt é uma língua minoritária, falada por um povo indígena de mesmo nome, cujo número estimado de falantes varia entre 150 e 300 (Feist, 2015, 22). Impactos profundos na comunidade de fala ocorreram ao longo do século XX, em especial, a realocação do povo saami skolt de seus territórios originais na Rússia para a Finlândia, por volta da década de 40. O corpus da pesquisa foi organizado a partir do registro em transcrição fonética dos dialetos originais, feito no período pré-realocações, por Toivo Itkonen, no formato do dicionário Koltan- ja Kuolanlapin sanakirja (Itkonen, 2011 [1958]) e as transcrições fonéticas e fonológicas da língua feitas entre as décadas de 60 e 70 por Korhonen (1971); Korhonen et al. (1973). A Grammar of Skolt Saami (Feist, 2015), que aborda também a situação do saami skolt no século XXI, é uma das bases para a pesquisa e descrição da língua. Através da análise dos dados, foi possível observar e descrever a heterogeneidade da língua e de seus dialetos quanto ao inventário de vogais e ditongos. Um dos fatores observados foi, no dialeto de Paatsjoki, a ocorrência alofones anteriorizados, em comparação aos dialetos de Suonikylä e Nuortijärvi. / This research aims at the study of the vowel system of Skolt Saami (a Finnougric language spoken in Finland and Russia) over the 20th century, based on bibliographic data, more specifically phonetic transcriptions previous to and after the relocation of the Skolt people from their original villages to Finland. I intend to do a dialect study, describing the features of the original dialects regarding the vowel system and analyse these two records of the language guided by the variacionist approach of Labov (Weinreich et al., 1968) and Guy (Guy, 2003), also taking into account the languages contact relations. The Skolt Saami is a minority language spoken by a homonymous indigenous people, with an estimated number of speakers that varies between 150 and 300 (Feist, 2015, 22). The speech community went through deep impacts over the 20th century, in particular the relocation of the Skolt Saami people from their original territories in Russia to Finland, around the 1940s. The corpus was compiled using the records in phonetic transcriptions of the original dialects made by Toivo Itkonen, prior to the relocations, in the dictionary Koltan- ja Kuolanlapin sanakirja (Itkonen, 2011 [1958]), as well as the phonetic and phonemic transcriptions of the language made between the 1960s and 1970s by Korhonen (1971); Korhonen et al. (1973). A Grammar of Skolt Saami (Feist, 2015), which approaches the Skolt Saami situation also in the 21st century, is one of the basis for this project and description of the language. Through the analysis of data, it was possible to observe and describe the heterogeneity of the language regarding the vowel and diphthong inventory. One of the features found was, in the dialect of Paatsjoki, the occurrence of more fronted allophones, in comparison to the inventory of the dialects of Suonikylä and Nuortijärvi.

O presente trabalho apresenta a análise de orações que contêm a preposição para acompanhada de verbos no infinitivo (para+infinitivo), iniciando orações subordinadas em discursos proferidos por alemães residentes em São Paulo, com o intuito de estabelecer se todas as orações, de fato, constituem a ideia de finalidade, ou se apresentam diferentes valores semânticos. O corpus é constituído por ocorrências retiradas de entrevistas com os referidos alemães feitas por mim. São entrevistas de caráter informal sem tema preestabelecido. A estrutura para+infinitivo foi utilizada em contextos semânticos que põem em dúvida seu valor de finalidade, sendo ambíguos ou apresentando desbotamento semântico. Esses outros sentidos, mais abstratos, indicam um processo de gramaticalização na língua portuguesa falada por esses alemães. A estrutura final na língua alemã apresenta variações: um...zu e damit. Além dessas estruturas, a forma zu+verbo no infinitivo responsável, segundo o Hochdeustch (alemão padrão), por indicar verbos no infinitivo, simplesmente, ou orações subordinadas reduzidas de infinitivo, também se apresentou em contextos que geraram dúvidas quanto à sua significação, sendo, por isso, considerada ambígua. Esse fato apontou para um processo de gramaticalização também na língua alemã. Por haver mais de um elemento na língua alemã traduzido para a língua portuguesa com o significado da preposição para, utilizei traduções (para o alemão) do corpus, bem como dados retirados de blogs alemães e jornais digitais alemães, a fim de estabelecer comparações para o desenvolvimento das análises. Este trabalho, dada sua natureza, pode ser uma relevante contribuição para a compreensão do processo pedagógico de ensino-aprendizagem da língua alemã enquanto L2, demonstrando que pode haver diferentes percepções semânticas de estruturas sintáticas tanto por parte dos alunos quanto dos professores ao produzirem discursos em L1 e em L2. / This work presents the analysis of sentences that contain the preposition to (para) accompanied of verbs in the infinitive (to+infinitive), beginning subordinate sentences in speeches uttered by resident Germans in São Paulo, with the intention of establishing if all the sentences, in fact, constitute the idea of purpose, or if they have different semantic values. The corpus is constituted by occurrences that came from interviews with the referred Germans done by me. They are interviews of informal character without a preestablished theme. The structure to+infinitive was used in semantic contexts that question its purpose value, being ambiguous or presenting semantic fading. Those other meanings, more abstract, indicate the grammaticalization process in the Portuguese language spoken by those Germans. The final structure in the German language presents variations: um...zu and damit. Besides those structures, the form zu+verb in infinitive, according to Hochdeutsch (pattern German), for indicating verbs in the infinitive, simply, or subordinated sentences reduced of infinitive, also came in contexts that generated doubts about its significance, being, for that, considered ambiguous. That fact appeared for a grammaticalization process also in the German language. For there being more than an element in the German language translated for the Portuguese language with the meaning of the preposition to, I used translations (for German) of the corpus, as well as data of German blogs and German online newspapers, in order to establish comparisons for the development of the analyses. The purpose of this work is to contribute in the pedagogic process of teaching-learning of the German language while L2, demonstrating that there can be different semantic perceptions of syntactic structures not only of the students but also of the teachers when they produce speeches in L1 and in L2.

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / This dissertation documents the emergence of a new language, Light Warlpiri, in the multilingual community of Lajamanu in northern Australia. It then examines the acquisition of Light Warlpiri language, and of the heritage language, Lajamanu Warlpiri, by children. Light Warlpiri has arisen from contact between Lajamanu Warlpiri (a Pama-Nyungan language), Kriol (an English-based creole), and varieties of English. It is a Mixed Language, meaning that none of its source languages can be considered to be the sole parent language. Most verbs and the verbal morphology are from Aboriginal English or Kriol, while most nouns and the nominal morphology are from Warlpiri. The language input to children is complex. Adults older than about thirty speak Lajamanu Warlpiri and code-switch into Aboriginal English or Kriol. Younger adults, the parents of the current cohort of children, speak Light Warlpiri and code-switch into Lajamanu Warlpiri and into Aboriginal English or Kriol. Lajamanu Warlpiri and Light Warlpiri, the two main input languages to children, both indicate A arguments with ergative case-marking (and they share one allomorph of the marker), but Lajamanu Warlpiri includes the marker much more consistently than Light Warlpiri. Word order is variable in both languages. Children learn both languages from birth, but they target Light Warlpiri as the language of their everyday interactions, and they speak it almost exclusively until four to six years of age. Adults and children show similar patterns of ergative marking and word order in Light Warlpiri. But differences between age groups are found in ergative marking in Lajamanu Warlpiri - for the oldest group of adults, ergative marking is obligatory, but for younger adults and children, it is not. Determining when children differentiate between two input languages has been a major goal in the study of bilingual acquisition. The two languages in this study share lexical and grammatical properties, making distinctions between them quite subtle. Both adults and children distribute ergative marking differently in the two languages, but show similar word order patterns in both. However the children show a stronger correlation between ergative marking and word order patterns than do the adults, suggesting that they are spearheading processes of language change. In their comprehension of sentences in both Lajamanu Warlpiri and Light Warlpiri, adults use a case-marking strategy to identify the A argument (i.e. N+erg = A argument, N-erg = O argument). The children are not adult-like in using this strategy at age 5, when they also used a word order strategy, but they gradually move towards being adult-like with increased age.

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / This dissertation documents the emergence of a new language, Light Warlpiri, in the multilingual community of Lajamanu in northern Australia. It then examines the acquisition of Light Warlpiri language, and of the heritage language, Lajamanu Warlpiri, by children. Light Warlpiri has arisen from contact between Lajamanu Warlpiri (a Pama-Nyungan language), Kriol (an English-based creole), and varieties of English. It is a Mixed Language, meaning that none of its source languages can be considered to be the sole parent language. Most verbs and the verbal morphology are from Aboriginal English or Kriol, while most nouns and the nominal morphology are from Warlpiri. The language input to children is complex. Adults older than about thirty speak Lajamanu Warlpiri and code-switch into Aboriginal English or Kriol. Younger adults, the parents of the current cohort of children, speak Light Warlpiri and code-switch into Lajamanu Warlpiri and into Aboriginal English or Kriol. Lajamanu Warlpiri and Light Warlpiri, the two main input languages to children, both indicate A arguments with ergative case-marking (and they share one allomorph of the marker), but Lajamanu Warlpiri includes the marker much more consistently than Light Warlpiri. Word order is variable in both languages. Children learn both languages from birth, but they target Light Warlpiri as the language of their everyday interactions, and they speak it almost exclusively until four to six years of age. Adults and children show similar patterns of ergative marking and word order in Light Warlpiri. But differences between age groups are found in ergative marking in Lajamanu Warlpiri - for the oldest group of adults, ergative marking is obligatory, but for younger adults and children, it is not. Determining when children differentiate between two input languages has been a major goal in the study of bilingual acquisition. The two languages in this study share lexical and grammatical properties, making distinctions between them quite subtle. Both adults and children distribute ergative marking differently in the two languages, but show similar word order patterns in both. However the children show a stronger correlation between ergative marking and word order patterns than do the adults, suggesting that they are spearheading processes of language change. In their comprehension of sentences in both Lajamanu Warlpiri and Light Warlpiri, adults use a case-marking strategy to identify the A argument (i.e. N+erg = A argument, N-erg = O argument). The children are not adult-like in using this strategy at age 5, when they also used a word order strategy, but they gradually move towards being adult-like with increased age.

Thulung Rai is an endangered Tibeto-Burman language of eastern Nepal, currently<br />spoken by approximately one thousand people. It is a member of the Kiranti group in the<br />Himalayish branch of Tibeto-Burman, along with languages characterized principally by their<br />complex pronominalizing verbal inflectional systems.<br />This dissertation provides an overview of the grammar of the Thulung language, along<br />with selected texts and a glossary. The aspects of the grammar which are discussed are those<br />which are particularly relevant as far as Thulung’s heritage as a Tibeto-Burman language is<br />concerned. The chapters discuss the phonological system of the language; the case marking<br />system; the use of discourse particles; nominalization and its etymological and semantic<br />relationship with relativization and genitivization; the finite verbs, with their complex agreement<br />system and stem alternations; the augmentation of verbs with aspect-bearing derivational<br />suffixes; clause-combining by means of converbs and sequencers.<br />Each of these topics bears a significance to Tibeto-Burman studies as a whole, and these<br />are characteristic features of languages from this area. The areal context for Thulung is another<br />important aspect of this dissertation. The endangered status of Thulung is a result of the inroads<br />of the Indo-Aryan national language of Nepal, Nepali. Each chapter, in addition to describing<br />and analyzing particular grammatical topics, also discusses the equivalent constructions in Nepali<br />in light of whether they constitute the source for the construction in Thulung as it stands today.<br />The contributions of this dissertation are in providing reliable and up-to-date information<br />on a little-known minority Tibeto-Burman language of Nepal. This is an important addition to<br />the field of Himalayan languages and will be useful for efforts towards reconstructing the<br />development of Tibeto-Burman languages in the Himalayas. An important dimension of this<br />dissertation is that it looks at grammatical features in one language in the context of their<br />distribution over the linguistic area, even across language family boundaries. In this way, the<br />materials presented are useful as another case-study of an intense language contact situation.

This collection contains 13 papers presented in the workshop on the "The Celtic Languages in Contact" organised by Hildegard L. C. Tristram at the XIII International Celtic Congress in Bonn (Germany), July 23rd - 27th, 2007. The authors of two papers from another section also contributed their papers to this volume, as they deal with closely related issues. The time-span covered ranges from potential pre-historic contacts of Celtic with Altaic languages or Nostratic cognates in Celtic, through the hypothesis of Afro-Asiatic as a possible substrate for Celtic, Latin and Gaulish contacts in Gaul, the impact of Vulgar Latin on the formation of the Insular Celtic Languages as a linguistic area (Sprachbund), to various contact scenarios involving the modern Insular Celtic languages as well as English and French. The final paper reflects on the political status of the modern Insular Celtic languages in the Europe of the 27 EU countries.

Since 2011 the Comorian Island of Mayotte has been France’s 101st département, thereby becoming part of the European Union. As a result, France has consolidated and strengthened its strategic position in the Indian Ocean. With the change of political status in 2011, new developments have occurred in Mayotte. It is still unclear whether the expected economic boom, extensive social benefits or injection of EU regional funds can help to alleviate poverty and raise living standards. There is concern, however, that massive immigration to Mayotte from the surrounding territories is diminishing any progress and will continue to do so. Not only France but also the EU will have to adapt to new immigration problems due to this new external border. In this situation one thing is clear: the language contact between French and the local languages, which is the result of political developments, is leading to new dynamics. The diglossic situation east of Africa, between French as the dominant language and local languages like Shimaoré or Shibushi spoken in Mayotte will become more marked in the next few years.