Thesis (M.A.)--University of Hawai'i at Hilo, 2007. / Adviser: Enbao Wang. Includes bibliographical references.

Authoritarian governments have long wielded education as political tools by which to transmit their conceptions of nationalistic identity, but does the same hold true of democratic governments? Transitioning from martial law to full democracy in the 1980s and 1990s, Taiwan serves as an ideal case study. As authoritarian rulers, Chiang Kai-shek and his Kuomintang (KMT) imposed education curriculum that legitimized their claims to be the rulers of all China. After martial law was lifted in 1987, dissenters could freely vocalize a Taiwanese identity that advocated for a sovereign Taiwan separate from the Chinese nation. Contemporaneously, Lee Teng-hui rose to power as a loyal KMT member, but as president he shifted away from Chinese identity to promote a sense of Taiwanese identity. Preceded by nationalistically Chinese KMT stalwarts and succeeded by one who pushed Taiwan even closer to independence, Lee was a transitional leader whose own ideological evolution reflected Taiwan’s shift from a staunchly Chinese political entity to a possibly independent state separate from the mainland. During Lee’s presidency, controversy erupted over the content of textbooks for a junior high course entitled Understanding Taiwan [renshi taiwan] that focused for the first time on Taiwan in its own right instead of as only one small part of China. The textbooks instigated a debate on identity, for how one regarded the accuracy or appropriateness of the textbooks reflected one’s views of Taiwan in relation to China. The debates and the textbooks’ contents revealed clearly that despite the considerable democratization occurring in Taiwan over the decade, curriculum content continued to mirror the convictions espoused by the central government—led by the democratically elected president Lee Teng-hui (1988-2000)—in much the same way that it had done so under the authoritarian rule of Chiang Kai-shek (1949-1975). / text

This thesis is an investigation of the emergence of democracy and its localized culture in Taiwan during the Lee Teng-hui era and its legacy, from 1988 to 2004. From a Leninist authoritarian system, Taiwan experienced a peaceful transition to representative democracy. The establishment of the first opposition party, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), in 1986, and President Chiang Ching-kuo’s tolerance towards it, had signalled the commencement of Taiwan’s democratization. Various political opposition movements existed prior to 1986, especially between 1983 and 1986, indicating a gradual strengthening in the public’s political consciousness. The pivotal event to mark the democratization-localization movement in Taiwan was the emergence of a local Taiwanese, Lee Teng-hui, as President of the Republic of China and Chairman of the ruling party, the Chungkuo Kuomintang (KMT). This occurred when he succeeded Chiang Ching-kuo upon his death in 1988. Local politics henceforth emerged as a major force and KMT factional struggles had begun in earnest. During the democratic transformation that took place in Taiwan in the last quarter of the 20th century, the ruling power of the Waishengren political elite (that is, the Chinese who took over Taiwan in 1945) gradually transferred to local political leaders, and the suppressed issue of building an independent Taiwanese nation became politicized. Furthermore, the KMT itself was undergoing a far-reaching transformation, moving from liberalization, to democratization, to localization or Taiwanization. As a result, the issues of national recognition and the power redistribution of different national groups (from Chinese “Mainlanders” to local Taiwanese) had combined with democratization from the beginning. Democratization was assisted by institution-building through regular elections, an associated critical voice from opposition groups, a solid middle class, and the Taiwanization phenomenon itself. While the experience of colonial rule and an oppressive (rather than reformist) KMT may be said to be in the past, and hence less an impetus for action in the present, yet with the addition of a persistent military threat from People’s Republic of China seeking Taiwan’s “reunification” with the “motherland”, past, present and an anticipated future, combine contextually in the quest for Taiwan’s integrity – and hence the acquisition of an identity that is consciously Taiwanese rather than Chinese by default.

The experience and history shaped by various political groups in the modern history of Taiwan has left a significant mark in the hearts of the island¡¦s citizens. Ever since the 1990¡¦s, even the KMT, a party that had always regarded China ethnicity as the essence of localization, has gradually altered its insistence towards a less constrained attitude. As a result of this, the difference in national identity and the notion of culture emerges, leading Taiwan into an era of liberated ideas about national identity. Lee Teng Hiu was the first citizen elected president of Rublic of China, Taiwan. He was brought up during the Japanese occupation, but accepted the radical political changes brought by the national government after the war. During his political career, he had experienced colonial, autocratic, authoritative, and democratic government systems. The combination of Japanese, Chinese, and American education during his academic pursuit had opened up his unique perspective of the world. Profoundly influenced by Kitaro Nishita¡¦s topical philosophy, the samurai spirit of Nitobe Inazo, Christian doctrines, and Marxism and Hegel¡¦s logical thinking, Lee found the motivation to authenticate his principles. In fact, the personal biography of Lee himself, is pretty much a representation of the modern history of Taiwan. Because Lee is one of the most influential political elites in the history of Taiwan, his notion of the awareness of Taiwan and his comprehension and treatment of Mainland China also had a profound influence on the people of Taiwan in terms of their memories of history and collective identity. Thus, to understand how this collective identity had developed and transformed throughout the history of Taiwan, it is essential to scrutinize Lee¡¦s awareness of China, and the origin of his learning. This research seeks to discuss the formation of Lee¡¦s concept of identity, whether or not the key of this identity has evolved, and how that sense of identity has roamed. This will be done through the analysis of the Taiwanese social structure during Lee¡¦s upbringing, restoring the Taiwanese society during the Japanese occupation of the Taisho and Showa dynasties, where the origin of his historical perspective on Mainland China came from, and also his concepts and experiences during adulthood. Lastly, the same notion of identity of his contemporaries will be compared in order to comprehend the origin of influence of the identity of Taiwan in Lee. After all, this sense of identity of the political elites will conceptualize, theorize, and the electoral issues will continuously influence the public notion of national identity. Thus, the clarification of the elite¡¦s notion will allow the understanding the identity at a subterranean level.

This thesis is an investigation of the emergence of democracy and its localized culture in Taiwan during the Lee Teng-hui era and its legacy, from 1988 to 2004. From a Leninist authoritarian system, Taiwan experienced a peaceful transition to representative democracy. The establishment of the first opposition party, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), in 1986, and President Chiang Ching-kuo’s tolerance towards it, had signalled the commencement of Taiwan’s democratization. Various political opposition movements existed prior to 1986, especially between 1983 and 1986, indicating a gradual strengthening in the public’s political consciousness. The pivotal event to mark the democratization-localization movement in Taiwan was the emergence of a local Taiwanese, Lee Teng-hui, as President of the Republic of China and Chairman of the ruling party, the Chungkuo Kuomintang (KMT). This occurred when he succeeded Chiang Ching-kuo upon his death in 1988. Local politics henceforth emerged as a major force and KMT factional struggles had begun in earnest. During the democratic transformation that took place in Taiwan in the last quarter of the 20th century, the ruling power of the Waishengren political elite (that is, the Chinese who took over Taiwan in 1945) gradually transferred to local political leaders, and the suppressed issue of building an independent Taiwanese nation became politicized. Furthermore, the KMT itself was undergoing a far-reaching transformation, moving from liberalization, to democratization, to localization or Taiwanization. As a result, the issues of national recognition and the power redistribution of different national groups (from Chinese “Mainlanders” to local Taiwanese) had combined with democratization from the beginning. Democratization was assisted by institution-building through regular elections, an associated critical voice from opposition groups, a solid middle class, and the Taiwanization phenomenon itself. While the experience of colonial rule and an oppressive (rather than reformist) KMT may be said to be in the past, and hence less an impetus for action in the present, yet with the addition of a persistent military threat from People’s Republic of China seeking Taiwan’s “reunification” with the “motherland”, past, present and an anticipated future, combine contextually in the quest for Taiwan’s integrity – and hence the acquisition of an identity that is consciously Taiwanese rather than Chinese by default.

相較過去冷戰時期的輝煌，台灣現今的國際地位黯然失色許多。自從台灣退出聯合國，與美國斷交後，台灣 (中華民國)的外交地位已漸漸在政治上被孤立。當戒嚴末期，台灣迫切地想重返過去的外交榮景。然而，面對中華人民共和國的威脅時，台灣在國際社會上極為艱困地維繫自己的主權。台灣的領導人透過積極參與國際組織與互動，尤其是聯合國與美國對台軍售，來打破如此艱困的外交處境。 在三屆的總統任期中，台灣對聯合國與對美軍售策略已漸漸形成雛形。在初步研究下，美國對台軍售有可能對台灣加入聯合國政策出現影響。換言之，購得有力的武器，台灣加入聯合國的策略就越顯積極。 回顧美國與台灣政府的文獻資料，台灣領導人訪談紀錄，報章雜誌和其他官方文件與紀錄，此研究旨在檢視在三位總統(李登輝、陳水扁、馬英九)任期內 (1990 到 2014年)，美國同意對台軍售與台灣加入聯合國的策略。研究結果指出美國對台軍售的武器打擊能力與台灣加入聯合國政策相關的可能性。 / Taiwan’s present international status has degraded considerably since its former glory days during the Cold War era. With its ejection out of the United Nations (UN) and a diplomatic severance with its most vital ally, the United States, Taiwan (ROC) has slowly slipped into political limbo. The island has frantically strived to pull itself back into the world community since the end of martial law. However, it has struggled to maintain its sovereignty and international status in the face of constant threat from the PRC (People’s Republic of China) . Taiwan’s leaders have sought alternative strategies to combat such adverse diplomatic conditions through increasing its membership or participation in various global organizations—particularly the United Nations, and continued arms purchases from the US. Within the span of three presidencies, there appears to be a pattern between Taiwan’s UN strategies and US approved arms sales. Upon initial research, US weapons sales appear to have an effect on UN policy. That is, the more significant the arms sale, the more aggressive Taiwan’s methods for UN participation becomes. Drawing from US and Taiwanese government records, Taiwanese presidential interviews, newspaper articles and other official documents and transcripts, this dissertation aims to examine US approved arms sales and UN strategies under three Taiwanese presidents: Lee Teng Hui, Chen Shui-Bian and Ma Ying Jeou from 1990 to 2014. The findings indicate a possible indirect correlation. Considering the weapons’ strategic capability, Taiwan’s UN strategy fluctuates accordingly.

本文的目的是了解和分析台灣與中美洲貿易、經濟和政治方面的關係，並將它們與不斷增長的中國的存在和影響力的地理區域比較。它也試圖對總統陳水扁和馬英九所追求的走向盟國外交作一個比較。 / This thesis aims to understand and analyze trade, economic and political aspects of the Taiwanese relationship with Central America, and compare them with the growing Chinese presence and influence in that geographic area. It also attempts to make a comparison between the diplomacy toward allied countries pursued by presidents Chen Shui-bian and Ma Ying-jeou. Taiwan has had to cope with China’s rise, a major geopolitical event of the twenty-first century. The expansion of the Chinese economy is reflected in an increased trade exchange with Latin America. Central America has not been an exception. The PRC has become a major trade partner for several Central American economies, surpassing commerce ties between them and Taiwan. This paper also states that the so-called “diplomatic truce” called for by President Ma has been working so far, as Beijing has not tried to “steal” more Taiwanese allies since 2008, and the ROC has not tried to lure new friends to its camp.

En Occident comme en Orient, la question nationale est un enjeu pour plusieurs États dont le statut politique est soit mal défini soit insatisfaisant aux yeux d'une part de la population. Dans l'espoir de rectifier la situation, des hommes politiques réclament davantage de pouvoirs locaux et une plus grande représentation internationale. Tant au Québec qu'à Taiwan, ce type de politicien exerce une influence considérable sur l'orientation du nationalisme d'État, contribuant ainsi à transformer les rapports entretenus avec les gouvernements canadiens et chinois. Bien qu'étant éloignées physiquement et culturellement, ces deux sociétés sont tiraillées entre leur appartenance locale et régionale, ce qui a permis à des leaders indépendantistes d'accéder au pouvoir et d'appliquer leurs politiques nationalistes. En cherchant à accroître la souveraineté de leur Etat, René Lévesque et Lee Teng-hui appartiennent à cette catégorie de politiciens pour qui le statu quo ne peut être maintenu indéfiniment. À la fois idéologues, pragmatiques et réformateurs, ils ont orienté la politique locale dans une voie nouvelle. En fait, leurs stratégies d'accession à l'indépendance empruntent trois canaux différents qui se complètent pour permettre à leurs politiques nationalistes de s'appliquer à l'échelle locale autant que régionale et internationale. Ces trois volets sont l'identité, la démocratie et la quête de pouvoirs souverains. À travers l'analyse de leurs actions et de leurs écrits, un parallèle peut être dressé entre René Lévesque et Lee Teng-hui qui indique que non seulement ces deux dirigeants oeuvrèrent à l'atteinte d'une plus grande souveraineté pour le Québec et pour Taiwan, mais qu'ils employèrent sensiblement les mêmes moyens pour y parvenir.