A computational model has been developed to study the effects of left ventricular assist devices (LVADs) on the cardiovascular system during a ventricular collapse. The model consists of a toroidal pulsatile blood pump and a closed loop circulatory system. Together, they predict the pump's motor current traces that reflect ventricular suck-down and provide insights into torque magnitudes that the pump experiences. In addition, the model investigates likeliness of a suction event and predicts reasonable outcomes for a few test cases. Ventricular collapse was modeled with the help of a mock circulatory loop consisting of a artificial left ventricle and centrifugal continuous flow pump. This study also investigates different suction detection schemes and proposes the most suitable suction detection algorithm for the TORVAD pump, toroidal left ventricular assist device. Model predictions were further compared against the data sampled during in vivo animal trials with the TORVAD system. The two sets of results are in good accordance. / text

African American and Hispanic students and students from families with lower income are particularly at-risk for differential academic achievement and dropout. When students underachieve at school or dropout, they often face severe consequences such as increased risk of incarceration and unemployment. School social workers strive to prevent poor academic achievement and the associated negative outcomes. In recent years, federal and state education policy has focused on reducing disparities in academic achievement through the creation of policies that use high-stakes testing requirements to hold schools accountable for student learning. Research studies on teacher perceptions of high-stakes testing indicate that it is having a negative impact on their job tasks and on school systems. However, there are few studies that examine school social worker perceptions about the impact of high-stakes testing. This study examines school social workers’ perceptions about high-stakes testing. Specifically, it assesses school social worker perceptions about the impact of high-stakes testing on school systems and how school ratings and student performance might influence these perceptions. It also examines school social workers’ perceptions about the impact of high-stakes testing on their abilities to perform their work tasks. The study sample is drawn from respondents to the Texas School Social Work Survey (n=177). Data were analyzed through secondary data analysis using factor analysis and structural equation modeling (SEM). Findings indicate that school social workers perceive high-stakes testing as having a largely negative impact on school systems and their job tasks. School social workers who predominantly worked with students from ethnic minority backgrounds were more likely to have negative opinions about the impact of high-stakes testing on their job tasks. School social workers from schools with lower school ratings and those who felt that the students on their caseload tended to struggle on high-stakes tests had more negative perceptions about the impact of high-stakes testing on school systems. Results indicate the need for school social workers to become more involved in education policy and macro practice, to connect their services to improved academic outcomes for students, and to find new ways to provide school social work services in the “age of accountability.” / text

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Federal legislation, No Child Left Behind (NCLB, 2001), has brought the call for high quality and excellence into every aspect of education, including professional development. The links between teacher learning and student learning are well documented. teacher skill is one aspect influencing student growth; hence, professional development provides a path to the goal of NCLB - increased student achievement. However, it is a long way from policy decisions to implementation in local districts; hence, the professional development requirements of NCLB face challenges to implementation. One of the factors affecting NCLB policy implementation at all levels is the capacity of schools and districts to implement policies as they are intended (Cooper, Fusarelli, & Randall, 2004; Heck, 2004; Odden, 1991). Especially in rural districts, factors of isolation, poverty, and size may restrict the implementation of policy requirements (Jimerson, 2004; Reeves, 2003). This policy impact study used qualitative methods to look at the question, "How Do Factors of Arizona's Rural Districts Impact the Implementation of Models of Professional Development Required by NCLB?" Information was gathered through the use of document analysis, site-visits, and semi-structured interviews.

The purpose of this thesis is to evaluate the differences between 9-ending on promotion prices used by Thai retailers and Swedish retailers. The quantitative research approach is the chosen method in order to evaluate the differences between 9-ending on promotion prices used by Thai retailers and Swedish retailers. The collection of data will be mainly concentrated on primary data through brochures from retailers in both countries. Evaluation of the price endings for advertised products in the brochures from Thai and Swedish retailers founded the distinctions between the use of 9-ending prices in many ways such as the way the retailers used left and right digits for price endings, the way they set the prices compared between the same product category and the same product sub-category.

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The purpose with this essay is to examine the Liberal Party and the Left Party´s views on homework, if the parties considers that homework affects the schools plan for equivalence and if the parties disagreement can be related to their different ideologies. To answer the purpose I have used following questions: How do the Liberal Party and the Left Party define the concept of homework?, What is the purpose of homework in primary schools according to the Liberal Party and the Left Party?, What are the arguments for and against homework and do homework affects the schools plan for equivalence according to the parties? and Can the parties' views on homework be related to their respective ideologies? The method used is a qualitative textual analysis with focus on the idea analysis. The material consist of relevant newspaper articles, news and debate clips and the parties various party programs, during the time frame of 2006-05-31 - 2013-10-14. To answer the purpose I also used different types of discourse theories, equivalence theory and the ideologies liberalism and reformist socialism as theories. The results shows that the Liberal Party and the Left Party have different views about what a homework should be considered as and that both parties thinks that homework can affect the schools plan for equivalence, but they have different perceptions about how. The Left Party believes that homework should be done during school time and The Liberal Party believes that homework should be done after school. Their different views and values regarding homework can also be relate to their different ideologies. A possible idea that I also can find from the results is that the parties different opinions can be based on that they refers to pupils of different age groups when they discuss the topic of homework.

This dissertation provides an analytical framework for understanding the left-indigenous cycle of extra-parliamentary insurrection in Bolivia between 2000 and 2005. It draws from Marxist and indigenous-liberationist theory to challenge the central presuppositions of liberal-institutionalist understandings of contemporary indigenous politics in Latin America, as well as the core tenets of mainstream social movement studies. The central argument is that a specific combination of elaborate infrastructures of class struggle and social-movement unionism, historical traditions of indigenous and working-class radicalism, combined oppositional consciousness, and fierce but insufficient state repression, explain the depth, breadth, and radical character of recent left-indigenous mobilizations in Bolivia. The coalition of insurrectionary social forces in the Gas Wars of 2003 and 2005 was led by indigenous informal workers, acting in concert with formal workers, peasants, and to a smaller degree, middle-class actors. The indigenous informal working classes of the city of El Alto, in particular, utilized an elaborate infrastructure of class struggle in order to overcome structural barriers to collective action and to take up their leading role. The supportive part played by the formal working class was made possible by the political orientation toward social-movement unionism adopted by leading trade-union federations. Radicalized peasants mobilized within the broader alliance through their own rural infrastructure of class struggle. The whole array of worker and peasant social forces drew on longstanding popular cultures of indigenous liberation and revolutionary Marxism which they adapted to the novel context of the twenty-first century. These popular cultures ultimately congealed in a new combined oppositional consciousness, rooted simultaneously in the politics of indigenous resistance and class struggle. This collective consciousness, in turn, strengthened the mobilizing capacities of the popular classes and reinforced the radical character of protest. At key junctures, social movement leaders were able to synthesize oppositional consciousness into a focused collective action frame of nationalizing the natural gas industry. Finally, throughout the left-indigenous cycle, ruthless state repression was nonetheless insufficiently powerful to wipe out opposition altogether and therefore acted only to intensify the scale of protests and radicalize demands still further. The legitimacy of the neoliberal social order and the coercive power required to reproduce it were increasingly called into question as violence against civilians increased.

Objective: The aim of this study was to determine the role of race as a significant risk factor for prediction of outcomes in heart failure (HF). Methods: The data was collected on demographics, detailed history of HF, family history, vital signs, medication and laboratory profile for 585 patients from Heart failure Treatment Center of Emory University after year of 2000. Outcome of HF was defined as combination of death, placement of left ventricular assisted devise, heart transplant or emergency transplant. The independent relationship between race and outcomes of HF was evaluated by univariate and multivariate logistic regression analyses. The survival analysis was done by Cox regression modeling. Results: Among 585 HF patients, 58.1% were whites and 41.9% were blacks and 28.2% HF patients had positive outcomes. Although Whites tended to have a more positive outcome (34.6%) than blacks (28.9%), the difference was not statistically significant. Factors predicting the outcome in whites were male gender (OR 5.02), history of hypertension (OR 2.3), ventricular arrhythmias (OR 2.4), placement of AICD(OR 0.09), low EF% (OR 0.95), high NYHA class (OR 3.25), use of beta blockers (OR 0.12), aldosterone blockers (OR 2.19), furosemide (2.18); while in blacks they were age in years (OR 0.96), history of PTCA (OR 7.04), dislipidemia (OR 3.90), depression (OR 0.01), placement of AICD (OR 0.14), low EF% (OR 0.92), systolic blood pressure (OR 0.96), high NYHA class (OR 4.01), use of beta blockers (OR 0.14), torsemide (OR 2.86), and digoxin (OR 4.91) etc. Blacks had higher survival than whites (p < 0.001). Conclusion: There is no significant difference in combined outcome (death, transplant, emergency transplant, and Left Ventricular Assisted Devise placement) of HF between whites and blacks. There are differences regarding the risk factors, which are more prominent in each race. Further exploration is required to evaluate the race as significant risk factor for predicting the outcome in HF.