Ngugi wa Thiong’o’s Devil on the Cross represents both an insightful interpretation and a scathing critique of Kenyan politics and society during the period of neo-colonialism. The present thesis aims to explore, with the help of Marxist ideology and criticism, the relevance of the issues of class struggle, elitism and social collectivism in the novel. At the same time, this study will attempt to define Devil on the Cross as a "national allegory" depicting situations that are common to almost all post-colonial societies, and in particular, how the novel's ideological and political commitment is an important feature as it reflects Ngugi’s effort to draw attention to how Kenya and Africa as a whole suffered from imperialism, neo-colonialism, and a corrupt and greedy capitalist society.

Escrever sobre esta região, chamada Bico do Papagaio é escrever sobre conflitos e sobre os mais variados sujeitos que a luta pela terra configurou. Nesta tese parte-se da premissa que o conflito social nesta região é resultado das políticas de ocupação capitalista, e da concentração dos recursos nas mãos de determinadas classes sociais. A região é dessa forma, fundamento histórico da luta de classes antagônicas pelo território ou pela terra. Classes sociais que possuem lógicas de apropriação do território opostas. Esta luta de classes em maioria das vezes é travada entre as várias frações do campesinato e o grandes proprietários de terra, que podem ser fazendeiros e latifundiários ou empresas de várias modalidades. Dentro do contexto da luta pelo território estão os povos indígenas e quilombolas. Cada um desses sujeitos constroem suas estratégias de permanência ou de conquista da terra e/ou território. Os camponeses e indígenas por serem as principais vítimas da expropriação e do desempossamento na região, no momento da resistência entram em confronto com a classe dos grandes proprietários sofrendo as mais variadas violências. A Comissão Pastoral da Terra há mais de trinta anos acompanha o campesinato e os povos indígenas nesses processos. Há trinta anos começou a publicar os registros de conflitos no campo. Esses registros mostram até certo ponto o avanço e o retrocesso da luta pela terra entre as classes e sociedades antagônicas. Nosso objetivo foi compreender como se deu esses processos durante esses trinta anos nesta região através dos registros de conflitos no campo Os quais, dentro da perspectiva geográfica denominamos conflitos sociespaciais e conflitos socioterritoriais, afim de contribui na construção de uma geografia das lutas camponesas. / Write about this region, called Parrot\'s Beak is writing about conflict and about the most varied subjects that the struggle for land set. In this thesis, it starts from the premise that the social conflict in this region is the result of capitalist occupation policies, and the concentration of resources in the hands of certain social classes. The region is thus historical foundation of the struggle of antagonistic classes by territory or by land. Social classes that have logics of appropriation of the opposing territory. This class struggle in most cases is fought between the various fractions of the peasantry and the property owners, who may be farmers and landowners or companies of various forms. Within the context of the struggle for territory is indigenous and maroon peoples. Each of these individuals build their permanence strategies or conquest of the land and / or territory. Peasants and indigenous people because they are the main victims of expropriation and take ownership in the region at the time of resistance clash with the class of large landowners suffering the most varied violence. The Pastoral Land Commission for over thirty years came with the peasantry and indigenous peoples in these processes. Thirty years ago, he began publishing the records of conflicts in the field. These records show to some extent the advance and retreat of the struggle for land between classes and antagonistic societies. Our goal was to understand how these processes occurred during those thirty years in this region through the conflicts of records in the field, which, within the geographical perspective call social space conflicts and socio-territorial conflicts in order to contribute in building a geography of peasant struggles.

No description available.

Social documentary filmmaking cannot be undertaken in a theoretical void, regardless of the intentions of the filmmaker. Each film's textual, stylistic and aesthetic composition is dictated by the ideological intent of the filmmaker, either consciously or subconsciously. As a result, social documentary films are a product of either conservative or subversive filmmakers and can be viewed as cultural products of social control by the dominant capitalist ideology or as tools promoting class awareness, class struggle and revolutionary praxis by those sympathetic to Marxist doctrine. This dissertation examines how Marxist ideology, in particular theories relating to class structure and the class struggle, can be used by filmmakers to analyse social documentary films. It enables the construction of a methodological 'toolkit' for filmmakers from which they are able to determine if individual social documentary films can be regarded as Marxist or not. This 'toolkit' is comprised of the theories of Lenin, Comolli and Narboni, Brecht, Althusser, and Weber among others. Once a methodological framework is constructed, it is used to evaluate a number of social documentary case studies including 7-Up, Harlan County USA, Roger and Me, and my own film, A Shit of a Job (which was produced by myself for broadcast on SBS television), as to their adherence to the principles of Marxist aesthetics and allegiance to the proletarian cause of class awareness and the class struggle.

This thesis explores the relationship between capitalism and exploitation in wake of the 2007-08 global financial crisis and subsequent economic recessions among the world’s most advanced capitalist nations. Starting from the position that not enough theoretical work has been done, particularly within criminology, to analyze the harms caused by crises in capitalism, I argue that a structural-Marxist framework can help fill this gap in the literature. By building a theoretical model based on Karl Marx’s original work on crises in capitalism, the structuralism of Louis Althusser, and as the philosophical materialism of David Harvey, I examine the ways in which the global financial crisis is not the unexpected event mainstream narratives maintain, but rather one that has been over a century in the making. On an empirical level, drawing insight from the Greek financial crisis, the model proposed is deployed to analyze the role that international financial institutions have had in the recent crisis and draw a link between these patterns and the status of modern capitalism, suggesting that the economic trauma we face now is intimately linked to the predisposition of capital (re)production and accumulation. This thesis ultimately underlines the fact that while we are governed by this ‘new’, more aggressive capitalism, it is also ‘the same’ in that Marx’s insights regarding the contradictions of capital accumulation are equally applicable today as they were in his time.

ARAÚJO, Carlos Sidney Avelar. Estado e violência em tempos de capitalismo neoliberal. 2017. 160f. – Tese (Doutorado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Educação Brasileira, Fortaleza (CE), 2017. / Submitted by Gustavo Daher (gdaherufc@hotmail.com) on 2017-08-23T13:00:00Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_tese_csaaraujo.pdf: 1541311 bytes, checksum: 793f89f19db51ac5225ba89d56548994 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-08-23T16:33:44Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_tese_csaaraujo.pdf: 1541311 bytes, checksum: 793f89f19db51ac5225ba89d56548994 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-23T16:33:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_tese_csaaraujo.pdf: 1541311 bytes, checksum: 793f89f19db51ac5225ba89d56548994 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017 / The theme of the research entitled ‘State and violence in times of neoliberal capitalism’ is limited to the tracing of violence inserted in the context of State actions, having the prerogative that 'the State is a violent fact' as its starting point. When designing violence in three dimensions: the symbolic, the objective (or systemic) and the subjective, the Slovenian philosopher Slavoj Žižek provides us theoretical-analytical support to problematize the use of force and/or coercion by the State as a fundamental element for its own foundation and existence. It is by analyzing the pairing of the tripod ‘capitalism - democracy - (neo)liberalism’, as legitimating structures of the State management of society, that the expressions of the violent State are addressed. On the other hand, besides the judicial system, the ideological apparatus at the service of the state is built as invisible forms which legitimize the social organization by the State. The theoretical line based on dialectical materialism leaded us to the conclusion that, yes, the State is a violent fact, more than that, the State is violence. The violent faces of the State are only visible to us through policies aimed at the exploitation of the wage labor force by the bourgeoisie, through the defense of private property by the accumulation of capital by the owners of the means of production. Those policies tend to result in more exploitation, misery, hunger, social inequality and exclusion, subordination and human suffering. We’ve come to the conclusion that, given the social, political and economic structures in which we are based, if we want to fight for a society without violence (systemic), that addresses the emergence of political acts of rupture with the systemic coordinates of capture of the politically disinterested subject and that can propel the class struggle is only possible not inside but outside the State. / A temática desta pesquisa se circunscreve no rastreamento da violência inserida no contexto das ações do Estado gerencialista da vida em sociedade. Tem como ponto de partida a prerrogativa de que ‘o Estado é um fato violento’. Ao conceber a violência em três dimensões: a simbólica, a objetiva (ou sistêmica) e a subjetiva, o filósofo esloveno Slavoj Žižek nos fornece o elemento central para problematizarmos o uso da força e/ou coerção pelo Estado enquanto elemento fundamental para a sua própria fundação e existência. É pela análise do estreitamento do tripé capitalismo-democracia-(neo)liberalismo enquanto estruturas legitimadoras do gerenciamento da sociedade pelo Estado que se chega às formas violentas que lhe veste. O aparato ideológico a serviço do Estado se constitui por outro lado, enquanto formas invisíveis. Nesse contexto, consideram-se ainda as estruturas objetivas como o aparelho jurídico, de legitimação da organização social pelo Estado. A linha teórica baseada no materialismo dialético nos permitiu concluir que sim, o Estado é um fato violento, mais que isso, o Estado é violência. Suas faces violentas só nos são visíveis através de políticas que visam à exploração da força de trabalho assalariada pela burguesia, a defesa da propriedade privada e ao acúmulo de capital, pelos donos dos meios de produção. Tais políticas resultam em exploração, miséria, fome, desigualdades, exclusão, subordinação e sofrimento humano. Concluimos que, dada às estruturas sociais, político e econômicas em que estamos assentadados, se pretendemos lutar por uma sociedade sem violência (sistêmica), que aborde as condições de emergência de atos políticos de ruptura com as coordenadas sistêmicas de captura do sujeito politicamente desinteressado e que impulsionem a luta de classes, isso só nos será possível fora do Estado.

Escrever sobre esta região, chamada Bico do Papagaio é escrever sobre conflitos e sobre os mais variados sujeitos que a luta pela terra configurou. Nesta tese parte-se da premissa que o conflito social nesta região é resultado das políticas de ocupação capitalista, e da concentração dos recursos nas mãos de determinadas classes sociais. A região é dessa forma, fundamento histórico da luta de classes antagônicas pelo território ou pela terra. Classes sociais que possuem lógicas de apropriação do território opostas. Esta luta de classes em maioria das vezes é travada entre as várias frações do campesinato e o grandes proprietários de terra, que podem ser fazendeiros e latifundiários ou empresas de várias modalidades. Dentro do contexto da luta pelo território estão os povos indígenas e quilombolas. Cada um desses sujeitos constroem suas estratégias de permanência ou de conquista da terra e/ou território. Os camponeses e indígenas por serem as principais vítimas da expropriação e do desempossamento na região, no momento da resistência entram em confronto com a classe dos grandes proprietários sofrendo as mais variadas violências. A Comissão Pastoral da Terra há mais de trinta anos acompanha o campesinato e os povos indígenas nesses processos. Há trinta anos começou a publicar os registros de conflitos no campo. Esses registros mostram até certo ponto o avanço e o retrocesso da luta pela terra entre as classes e sociedades antagônicas. Nosso objetivo foi compreender como se deu esses processos durante esses trinta anos nesta região através dos registros de conflitos no campo Os quais, dentro da perspectiva geográfica denominamos conflitos sociespaciais e conflitos socioterritoriais, afim de contribui na construção de uma geografia das lutas camponesas. / Write about this region, called Parrot\'s Beak is writing about conflict and about the most varied subjects that the struggle for land set. In this thesis, it starts from the premise that the social conflict in this region is the result of capitalist occupation policies, and the concentration of resources in the hands of certain social classes. The region is thus historical foundation of the struggle of antagonistic classes by territory or by land. Social classes that have logics of appropriation of the opposing territory. This class struggle in most cases is fought between the various fractions of the peasantry and the property owners, who may be farmers and landowners or companies of various forms. Within the context of the struggle for territory is indigenous and maroon peoples. Each of these individuals build their permanence strategies or conquest of the land and / or territory. Peasants and indigenous people because they are the main victims of expropriation and take ownership in the region at the time of resistance clash with the class of large landowners suffering the most varied violence. The Pastoral Land Commission for over thirty years came with the peasantry and indigenous peoples in these processes. Thirty years ago, he began publishing the records of conflicts in the field. These records show to some extent the advance and retreat of the struggle for land between classes and antagonistic societies. Our goal was to understand how these processes occurred during those thirty years in this region through the conflicts of records in the field, which, within the geographical perspective call social space conflicts and socio-territorial conflicts in order to contribute in building a geography of peasant struggles.

O presente trabalho buscou compreender a reprodução dos camponeses que participam da feira Corujão no município de Rio Claro SP e os conflitos vividos pelo uso de agrotóxicos nos canaviais. Esta pesquisa se desenvolveu através da leitura dos principais teóricos que estudam o campesinato enquanto classe social contraditória e combinada ao desenvolvimento do modo de produção capitalista (MARTINS, 1979; OLIVEIRA 2007; BOMBARDI 2011). Paralelamente, foram realizadas entrevistas, visitas e participação em feiras e cursos, que atendiam os camponeses, para entender as estratégias do capital para promover a sujeição da renda da terra e a resistência camponesa. Acompanhamos a violência sofrida pelo uso de agrotóxicos nos canaviais que compromete a reprodução camponesa. De maneira geral, é possível afirmar, a partir desta pesquisa, que o campesinato exerce um importante papel na soberania alimentar do município e o impacto dos agrotóxicos é parte da luta de classes no campo. / This research analyzes the reproduction of peasants participating in the \"Corujão\" open market within the municipality of Rio Claro - SP and the conflicts resulted from the use of pesticides in the sugarcane plantations. This study was organized through the reading of the main scholars who investigate the peasantry as a contradictory social class combined with the development of the capitalist mode of production (MARTINS, 1979; OLIVEIRA 2007; BOMBARDI 2011). Concurrently, we carried out interviews, visits and participated in open markets and courses that were available to peasants to understand the strategies aimed to the subjection of income from land to capital and the resistance of the peasants that followed. We have monitored the violence derived from the use of pesticides in sugarcane plantations that also compromise peasant reproduction. In general, it is possible to affirm, from this research, that peasantry plays an important role in the food sovereignty of the municipality and the impact of pesticides is part of the ongoing class struggle in the countryside.

Esta dissertação analisa o chamado \"turismo sindical\" por meio de uma abordagem teórica, histórica e conceitual. O turismo sindical por meio de colônias de férias de entidades sindicais e associativas de trabalhadores do setor público e privado são um meio de hospedagem que surge na Era Vargas e se desenvolve até os dias de hoje, alcançando seu apogeu nas décadas de 1960 e 1970, especialmente após o golpe militar de 1964. A ação efetiva do Estado, especialmente em tempos de regimes autoritários, não se limitou a um arcabouço jurídico-normativo (intervenção por regulação), mas estendeu-se a uma efetiva implementação das colônias de férias e do turismo sindical (intervenção por participação). Tudo isso ocorre concomitantemente a uma nova divisão internacional e territorial do trabalho que vai tornando o capitalismo hegemônico como modo de produção global e universal. A exigência do constante desenvolvimento das forças produtivas não se limita ao ambiente fabril, devendo atingir a inteira cotidianidade da classe trabalhadora. Por isso tempo de trabalho e tempo livre são meticulosa e estrategicamente organizados, geridos e fiscalizados, não pelos trabalhadores, mas pelos capitalistas e pelo Estado. Todo esse processo não ocorre de maneira localizada, pois, por ser um processo geral do capital, ocorre em escala planetária. O turismo sindical e as colônias de férias são uma pequena, mas importante fração deste processo que organiza as condições gerais da produção e desenvolve as forças produtivas. O materialismo histórico e dialético sustenta o caminho analítico escolhido. / This dissertation analyzes the so-called \"trade union tourism\" through a theoretical, historical and conceptual approach. Trade union tourism through holiday colonies of trade unions and associations of workers from the public and private sector are a means of lodging that emerges in the Vargas Era and develops until today, reaching its apogee in the 1960s and 1970s, especially after the military coup of 1964. The effective action of the State, especially in times of authoritarian regimes, was not limited to a legal-normative framework (intervention by regulation), but extended to an effective implementation of the holiday colonies and trade union tourism (intervention by participation). All of this takes place concomitantly with a new international and territorial labors division that makes hegemonic capitalism as a global and universal way of production. The demand for the constant development of the productive forces is not limited to the factory environment, and must reach the whole day-to-day of working class. Therefore, working time and free time are meticulous and strategically organized, managed and supervised, not by the workers, but by the capitalists and the State it self. All this process does not occurs in a localized way, because, being a general process of capital, it occurs on a planetary scale. Trade union tourism and holiday colonies are a small, but important part of this process that organizes the productions general conditions and develops the productive forces. Historical and dialectical materialism supports the analytical path chosen.

This thesis investigates the relationship between the social movement and theatre art in Turkey between 1960 and 1971 and investigates how the development of a dependent capitalism influenced the development of the classes and the political theatre. It tries to reveal the convergences between the political ideology of the classes, their organizations and the aesthetic ideology of the field of cultural production. While doing so it investigates the ties between the ideological and practical aspects of the class struggle, the artists&rsquo / aesthetic views and their relations of production.