This dissertation provides an analytical framework for understanding the left-indigenous cycle of extra-parliamentary insurrection in Bolivia between 2000 and 2005. It draws from Marxist and indigenous-liberationist theory to challenge the central presuppositions of liberal-institutionalist understandings of contemporary indigenous politics in Latin America, as well as the core tenets of mainstream social movement studies. The central argument is that a specific combination of elaborate infrastructures of class struggle and social-movement unionism, historical traditions of indigenous and working-class radicalism, combined oppositional consciousness, and fierce but insufficient state repression, explain the depth, breadth, and radical character of recent left-indigenous mobilizations in Bolivia. The coalition of insurrectionary social forces in the Gas Wars of 2003 and 2005 was led by indigenous informal workers, acting in concert with formal workers, peasants, and to a smaller degree, middle-class actors. The indigenous informal working classes of the city of El Alto, in particular, utilized an elaborate infrastructure of class struggle in order to overcome structural barriers to collective action and to take up their leading role. The supportive part played by the formal working class was made possible by the political orientation toward social-movement unionism adopted by leading trade-union federations. Radicalized peasants mobilized within the broader alliance through their own rural infrastructure of class struggle. The whole array of worker and peasant social forces drew on longstanding popular cultures of indigenous liberation and revolutionary Marxism which they adapted to the novel context of the twenty-first century. These popular cultures ultimately congealed in a new combined oppositional consciousness, rooted simultaneously in the politics of indigenous resistance and class struggle. This collective consciousness, in turn, strengthened the mobilizing capacities of the popular classes and reinforced the radical character of protest. At key junctures, social movement leaders were able to synthesize oppositional consciousness into a focused collective action frame of nationalizing the natural gas industry. Finally, throughout the left-indigenous cycle, ruthless state repression was nonetheless insufficiently powerful to wipe out opposition altogether and therefore acted only to intensify the scale of protests and radicalize demands still further. The legitimacy of the neoliberal social order and the coercive power required to reproduce it were increasingly called into question as violence against civilians increased.

This dissertation provides an analytical framework for understanding the left-indigenous cycle of extra-parliamentary insurrection in Bolivia between 2000 and 2005. It draws from Marxist and indigenous-liberationist theory to challenge the central presuppositions of liberal-institutionalist understandings of contemporary indigenous politics in Latin America, as well as the core tenets of mainstream social movement studies. The central argument is that a specific combination of elaborate infrastructures of class struggle and social-movement unionism, historical traditions of indigenous and working-class radicalism, combined oppositional consciousness, and fierce but insufficient state repression, explain the depth, breadth, and radical character of recent left-indigenous mobilizations in Bolivia. The coalition of insurrectionary social forces in the Gas Wars of 2003 and 2005 was led by indigenous informal workers, acting in concert with formal workers, peasants, and to a smaller degree, middle-class actors. The indigenous informal working classes of the city of El Alto, in particular, utilized an elaborate infrastructure of class struggle in order to overcome structural barriers to collective action and to take up their leading role. The supportive part played by the formal working class was made possible by the political orientation toward social-movement unionism adopted by leading trade-union federations. Radicalized peasants mobilized within the broader alliance through their own rural infrastructure of class struggle. The whole array of worker and peasant social forces drew on longstanding popular cultures of indigenous liberation and revolutionary Marxism which they adapted to the novel context of the twenty-first century. These popular cultures ultimately congealed in a new combined oppositional consciousness, rooted simultaneously in the politics of indigenous resistance and class struggle. This collective consciousness, in turn, strengthened the mobilizing capacities of the popular classes and reinforced the radical character of protest. At key junctures, social movement leaders were able to synthesize oppositional consciousness into a focused collective action frame of nationalizing the natural gas industry. Finally, throughout the left-indigenous cycle, ruthless state repression was nonetheless insufficiently powerful to wipe out opposition altogether and therefore acted only to intensify the scale of protests and radicalize demands still further. The legitimacy of the neoliberal social order and the coercive power required to reproduce it were increasingly called into question as violence against civilians increased.

A presente dissertação revela os resultados de um minucioso trabalho de revisão bibliográfica cujo objetivo consistia em buscar as diferentes concepções de autogestão presentes no pensamento dos principais teóricos que abordaram tal temática, no intervalo compreendido entre o alvorecer do século XIX e os anos 70 do século passado. Com efeito, parte-se do princípio de que a autogestão (entendida como uma nova ordem social em que predomina a total igualdade entre seus membros, ausentes quaisquer divisões entre dirigentes e dirigidos, cabendo à coletividade a tomada de decisões que afetem a vida social como um todo) é um subproduto das contradições e antagonismos inerentes a conflitiva ordem capitalista. Assim sendo, a autogestão social seria uma bandeira histórica do movimento operário e socialista, teorizada pelos principais pensadores ligados a tal movimento. Esta dissertação mostrará como as diversas concepções de autogestão nascem e refletem contextos históricos bem específicos, a partir das condições em que se dá o desenvolvimento capitalista e sua inseparável luta de classes. / This dissertation reveals the results of a thorough literature review whose objective was to get the different conceptions of self-management present in the thinking of leading theorists who have addressed this issue, in the interval between the dawn of the nineteenth century and the 70s of last century. Indeed, it starts from the principle that self-management (understood as a new social order that prevails in the total equality between its members, absent any divisions between leaders and led, while the collective decision making that affect the social life as a whole) is a byproduct of the inherent contradictions and antagonisms conflicting capitalist order. Thus, the social ownership would be a historic flag of the labor movement and socialist, theorized by leading thinkers linked to such a move. This paper shows how various concepts are born of self-management and reflect very specific historical contexts, from the conditions in which development takes place and its inseparable capitalist class struggle.

A presente dissertação revela os resultados de um minucioso trabalho de revisão bibliográfica cujo objetivo consistia em buscar as diferentes concepções de autogestão presentes no pensamento dos principais teóricos que abordaram tal temática, no intervalo compreendido entre o alvorecer do século XIX e os anos 70 do século passado. Com efeito, parte-se do princípio de que a autogestão (entendida como uma nova ordem social em que predomina a total igualdade entre seus membros, ausentes quaisquer divisões entre dirigentes e dirigidos, cabendo à coletividade a tomada de decisões que afetem a vida social como um todo) é um subproduto das contradições e antagonismos inerentes a conflitiva ordem capitalista. Assim sendo, a autogestão social seria uma bandeira histórica do movimento operário e socialista, teorizada pelos principais pensadores ligados a tal movimento. Esta dissertação mostrará como as diversas concepções de autogestão nascem e refletem contextos históricos bem específicos, a partir das condições em que se dá o desenvolvimento capitalista e sua inseparável luta de classes. / This dissertation reveals the results of a thorough literature review whose objective was to get the different conceptions of self-management present in the thinking of leading theorists who have addressed this issue, in the interval between the dawn of the nineteenth century and the 70s of last century. Indeed, it starts from the principle that self-management (understood as a new social order that prevails in the total equality between its members, absent any divisions between leaders and led, while the collective decision making that affect the social life as a whole) is a byproduct of the inherent contradictions and antagonisms conflicting capitalist order. Thus, the social ownership would be a historic flag of the labor movement and socialist, theorized by leading thinkers linked to such a move. This paper shows how various concepts are born of self-management and reflect very specific historical contexts, from the conditions in which development takes place and its inseparable capitalist class struggle.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico / A pesquisa insere-se no NÃcleo Trabalho e EducaÃÃo do Programa de PÃs-GraduaÃÃo da Universidade Federal do Cearà e no Grupo de Pesquisa Trabalho, EducaÃÃo e Luta de Classes do Instituto de Estudos e Pesquisas do Movimento OperÃrio da Universidade Estadual do Cearà - IMO/UECE. Assumiu como objetivo central investigar o papel histÃrico desempenhado pelo movimento estudantil - ME quanto à defesa da universidade pÃblica, explicitando os principais determinantes econÃmicos e polÃtico-iedolÃgicos do processo de privatizaÃÃo/mercantilizaÃÃo da educaÃÃo superior, nas duas Ãltimas dÃcadas, e seus rebatimentos sobre a organizaÃÃo e a luta dos estudantes. Nesse sentido, elegeu como objeto especÃfico o ME da UECE, pondo o foco o lugar ocupado pelo Centro AcadÃmico - CA de Pedagogia, nesse contexto. Buscou-se, nesse trabalho, empreender uma anÃlise crÃtica, à luz do referencial materialista histÃrico dialÃtico, acerca da problemÃtica da universidade pÃblica no quadro da mais profunda crise do sistema do capital, e do papel do ME no contexto da luta de classes. Para tanto, utilizou-se de uma ampla revisÃo da literatura, mediante pesquisa bibliogrÃfica; de anÃlise de um expressivo conjunto de documentos, incluindo-se fotografias; de entrevistas abertas e semi-estruturadas junto a lÃderes e ex-lÃderes estudantis. A pesquisa resgata a trajetÃria histÃrica do ME da UECE, destacando as lutas desempenhadas em defesa do carÃter pÃblico da universidade, tanto no que se refere Ãquelas encampadas pelo DiretÃrio Central dos Estudantes - DCE, ao longo de suas quinze gestÃes, quanto Ãquelas implementadas pelo CA de Pedagogia, no decorrer de suas dezenove gestÃes, reafirmando, com base nos dados levantados, que o movimento estudantil nÃo à coisa do passado, haja vista o seu ressurgimento apÃs quase dez anos de refluxo, atravÃs da deflagraÃÃo de uma greve geral inÃdita na histÃria da UECE, que uniu o ME e o movimento sindical em prol da universidade pÃblica. / The research was developed within the Work and Education Section of the Graduate Program in Education of Federal University of Cearà (UFC), being, furthermore, associated to the investigative program of the Work, Education and Class Struggle Research Group of the Labor Movement Studies and Research Institute of Cearà State University (IMO/UECE). It intended to investigate the historical role performed by the student movement in defense of the public university, attempting, at the same time, to point out the main factors which account for the privatizacion and commercializacion of higher education in the last two decades, as well as the responses given by the student movement in general to such problem. The specific locus of the research was Cearà State University (UECE), and more particulary, its Pedagogy Course. The study was basead upon the marxist theoretical and methodological perspective, thus, attempting to establish the relationships between the public university tragedy and the deep, structural crisis of capital; as well as, to analyze the student movement in the context of class struggle. A thorough review of literature; an analysis of a consistent amount of documents; and open or/and semi-structured interviews applied to a number of current and former student leaders were the data collection procedures. The study drew an historical overview of UECE student movement, with greater emphansis put upon the actions undertaken in defense of public university, under the leadership of the Student Central Organization (DCE), throughout is fifteen administrative turns, and those put into effect by the Pedagogic Academic Centre (CA), in the course of its nineteen turns. The results of the study indicate that the student movement is not a thing of the past. In fact, it was brought back to life, in 2005, after nearly ten years of reflux, through a general strike, which was yet to take place at UECE, and was able to united students and labor unions in favor of the continued existence of public university.

nÃo hà / No doutorado, objetivamos registrar/analisar a prÃxis de um grupo de trabalhadores que, no tempo presente, se organiza no Sindicato dos GrÃficos do CearÃ, experienciando um processo de formaÃÃo polÃtica. Inspirados pelo materialismo histÃrico-dialÃtico trabalhamos com a interseÃÃo de fontes orais (histÃrias de vidas) e com vertentes escritas diversas (fotografias, jornais, panfletos etc). A problemÃtica investigativa anuncia-se ao passo que, mesmo em tempos de fragmentaÃÃo da classe trabalhadora e de destituiÃÃo da luta sindical, os sujeitos desta pesquisa se reÃnem interessados em estudar Marx e as transformaÃÃes polÃtico-econÃmicas contemporÃneas. Nesta perspectiva, asseguramos estar diante de um movimento de resistÃncia e luta operÃria no sÃculo XXI. As reflexÃes/aÃÃes do grupo encontram nos princÃpios marxistas uma possibilidade de superaÃÃo da crise enfrentada. Os resultados desta tese demonstram que a prÃxis formativa destes trabalhadores cinge-se à tese de que a formaÃÃo à parte fundamental do conjunto destas relaÃÃes sociais, portanto, determinada pelas relaÃÃes mais amplas, mas constituindo potente instrumento de mudanÃa da realidade social. Em nossas consideraÃÃes, esta busca por uma educaÃÃo politizadora, aliada à prÃxis de luta, contribui para a formaÃÃo de uma subjetividade revolucionÃria pautada na consciÃncia de classe.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T17:51:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Leandro_de_Almeida_Lima.pdf: 2618937 bytes, checksum: 84ed68222d7446fa6aef11989588511b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-09-30 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This dissertation is result of research done during 2007 2013. This led to studies about social movements of workers occurred in the Jardim das Américas, district of municipality Guarapuava PR. The reality of the city and the neighborhood is related in many aspects to the global problem of inequality, as this is signed in a model of production and consumption founded on the exploration of human beings and nature, subjecting a large population to poor conditions, and the inequalities are fundamental to the existence of capitalism. Whit the changes in production mode and work organization, in the field and in the city, many peasants and rural workers migrate to the cities searching employment, as not sufficient to meet the demand of migrants, subjecting workers to underemployment. The analysis categories selected were territory and social movements, they are essential to analyze the space organization. Studying social movements with a geographical look is necessary to advance in understanding of space construction and territorialization of different groups. Forward to the precarious living conditions of working class, social movements constitute an important role in reducing inequalities and injustices, because they propose a different way of society organization and a way of ordering the space that questions the structures of domination, breeding inequality social. Thereby, the group exerts power over space, in decision making on reordering, territorializing it through the actions of movements. Accordingly, the goal of this research was undestand the main aspects that influence the production of the territory by the workers in the Jardim das Américas neighborhood. Specifically it was necessary to examine how social movements assist in the establishment of the territory, find out how the build collective knowledge enabled territorial changes; to investigate how rural exodus step in the socioeconomic conditions of the studies area; to identify and characterize the subjects involved in the process; and develop a study about the changes in the construction of the territory until this date. The research method used was action-research, which is basically the investigate act in strait relationship with the acting, with the subjects that are part of the theme studied and also were made fieldwork observations, dialogue and attendance the group s activities, as well interviews and questionnaires / Esta dissertação é resultado de pesquisas realizadas durante o período de 2007 a 2013. Essas levaram aos estudos sobre movimentos sociais de trabalhadores ocorridos no Bairro Jardim das Américas do município de Guarapuava-PR. A realidade do município e do referido bairro se relaciona em diversos aspectos com a problemática global da desigualdade, pois esta é firmada em um modelo de produção e consumo alicerçado na exploração dos seres humanos e da natureza, submetendo uma grande parte da população à condições precárias, sendo as desigualdades fundamentais à existência do capitalismo. Com as mudanças no modo de produção e na organização do trabalho, tanto no campo quanto na cidade, muitos camponeses e trabalhadores rurais migram para as cidades em busca de emprego, que não são suficientes para atender a demanda de migrantes, submetendo os trabalhadores à subempregos. As categorias de análise selecionadas foram território e movimentos sociais, pois são essenciais à análise da organização do espaço. Estudar os movimentos sociais com um caráter geográfico é necessário para o avanço no entendimento da construção do espaço e para a territorialização de diferentes grupos. Frente às precárias condições de vida da classe trabalhadora, os movimentos sociais constituem um papel importante na diminuição das desigualdades e das injustiças, pois propõem uma forma diferente de organização da sociedade e uma ordenação do espaço de modo questionador às estruturas de dominação, reprodutoras das desigualdades sociais. Desse modo, o coletivo exerce poder sobre o espaço, nas tomadas de decisão e na reordenação, territorializando-o através das ações dos movimentos. Nesse sentido, o objetivo geral desta pesquisa foi compreender os principais aspectos que influenciam a produção do território pelos trabalhadores no Bairro Jardim das Américas. Especificamente foi necessário analisar como os movimentos sociais auxiliam na constituição do território; averiguar como a construção do conhecimento coletivo possibilitou mudanças territoriais; investigar em que medida o êxodo rural interferiu nas condições socioeconômicas da área estudada; identificar e caracterizar os sujeitos envolvidos no processo; e desenvolver estudo sobre as mudanças ocorridas na construção do território até o presente momento. Para a realização da pesquisa foi utilizado o método da pesquisa-ação, que consiste basicamente no ato investigativo, em estreita relação com o ato de agir, com os sujeitos que fazem parte do tema estudado e também foram feitos trabalhos de campo com observação, o diálogo e acompanhamento das atividades do grupo, bem como entrevista e aplicação de questionários

O presente trabalho buscou compreender a reprodução dos camponeses que participam da feira Corujão no município de Rio Claro SP e os conflitos vividos pelo uso de agrotóxicos nos canaviais. Esta pesquisa se desenvolveu através da leitura dos principais teóricos que estudam o campesinato enquanto classe social contraditória e combinada ao desenvolvimento do modo de produção capitalista (MARTINS, 1979; OLIVEIRA 2007; BOMBARDI 2011). Paralelamente, foram realizadas entrevistas, visitas e participação em feiras e cursos, que atendiam os camponeses, para entender as estratégias do capital para promover a sujeição da renda da terra e a resistência camponesa. Acompanhamos a violência sofrida pelo uso de agrotóxicos nos canaviais que compromete a reprodução camponesa. De maneira geral, é possível afirmar, a partir desta pesquisa, que o campesinato exerce um importante papel na soberania alimentar do município e o impacto dos agrotóxicos é parte da luta de classes no campo. / This research analyzes the reproduction of peasants participating in the \"Corujão\" open market within the municipality of Rio Claro - SP and the conflicts resulted from the use of pesticides in the sugarcane plantations. This study was organized through the reading of the main scholars who investigate the peasantry as a contradictory social class combined with the development of the capitalist mode of production (MARTINS, 1979; OLIVEIRA 2007; BOMBARDI 2011). Concurrently, we carried out interviews, visits and participated in open markets and courses that were available to peasants to understand the strategies aimed to the subjection of income from land to capital and the resistance of the peasants that followed. We have monitored the violence derived from the use of pesticides in sugarcane plantations that also compromise peasant reproduction. In general, it is possible to affirm, from this research, that peasantry plays an important role in the food sovereignty of the municipality and the impact of pesticides is part of the ongoing class struggle in the countryside.

Esta dissertação analisa o chamado \"turismo sindical\" por meio de uma abordagem teórica, histórica e conceitual. O turismo sindical por meio de colônias de férias de entidades sindicais e associativas de trabalhadores do setor público e privado são um meio de hospedagem que surge na Era Vargas e se desenvolve até os dias de hoje, alcançando seu apogeu nas décadas de 1960 e 1970, especialmente após o golpe militar de 1964. A ação efetiva do Estado, especialmente em tempos de regimes autoritários, não se limitou a um arcabouço jurídico-normativo (intervenção por regulação), mas estendeu-se a uma efetiva implementação das colônias de férias e do turismo sindical (intervenção por participação). Tudo isso ocorre concomitantemente a uma nova divisão internacional e territorial do trabalho que vai tornando o capitalismo hegemônico como modo de produção global e universal. A exigência do constante desenvolvimento das forças produtivas não se limita ao ambiente fabril, devendo atingir a inteira cotidianidade da classe trabalhadora. Por isso tempo de trabalho e tempo livre são meticulosa e estrategicamente organizados, geridos e fiscalizados, não pelos trabalhadores, mas pelos capitalistas e pelo Estado. Todo esse processo não ocorre de maneira localizada, pois, por ser um processo geral do capital, ocorre em escala planetária. O turismo sindical e as colônias de férias são uma pequena, mas importante fração deste processo que organiza as condições gerais da produção e desenvolve as forças produtivas. O materialismo histórico e dialético sustenta o caminho analítico escolhido. / This dissertation analyzes the so-called \"trade union tourism\" through a theoretical, historical and conceptual approach. Trade union tourism through holiday colonies of trade unions and associations of workers from the public and private sector are a means of lodging that emerges in the Vargas Era and develops until today, reaching its apogee in the 1960s and 1970s, especially after the military coup of 1964. The effective action of the State, especially in times of authoritarian regimes, was not limited to a legal-normative framework (intervention by regulation), but extended to an effective implementation of the holiday colonies and trade union tourism (intervention by participation). All of this takes place concomitantly with a new international and territorial labors division that makes hegemonic capitalism as a global and universal way of production. The demand for the constant development of the productive forces is not limited to the factory environment, and must reach the whole day-to-day of working class. Therefore, working time and free time are meticulous and strategically organized, managed and supervised, not by the workers, but by the capitalists and the State it self. All this process does not occurs in a localized way, because, being a general process of capital, it occurs on a planetary scale. Trade union tourism and holiday colonies are a small, but important part of this process that organizes the productions general conditions and develops the productive forces. Historical and dialectical materialism supports the analytical path chosen.

This essay will analyze a selection of characters from Charles Dickens’ novel Hard Times. Characterizations will be analyzed by using a Marxist theoretical framework, e.g., characters’ relations to Marxist concepts such as class struggle, alienation, and stratification will be studied. The purpose of this essay is to use Marxist concepts in order to understand Dickens’ satire and critique of capitalism. This is done by applying a theory criticizing capitalism, namely Marxist theory, to some of the novel’s characters and analyzing these characters according to their relations to the main features of Marxist theory. A few characters are selected for analysis, to distinguish characteristics or traits that satirize society. Moreover, the essay will investigate whether the author alludes to Marxist concepts when satirizing contemporary society. The characters portrayed in the novel are all exposed to a society characterized by hardship, inequality, and class struggle. These concepts are all features of a society that Marxism critiques. Accordingly, the thesis is that Marxist concepts are implicit in the text and do play a role in Dickens’ satirizing of his contemporary, capitalist, industrialized society, despitenot being mentioned explicitly.