Human society in the 21st century, population pressures brought about by globalization, the unequal distribution of environmental hazards, and a variety of public issues become not by the traditional government alone; has been, non-governmental organization (NGO) in the global the role in a variety of topics, are the key to lead the relationship between state and society in the discussions of civil society and international governance, the NGO has become increasingly critical, even in order to achieve democracy, with human rights, a indicators. After 1978, the Communist Party power succession by designated has passed three generations. 2012, mainland China's power struggle with severe economic test can reveal the opportunity for Chinese mainland state machine transition is not yet known; But no matter how, recalling the moment in 2008, it was a in the north hosting the Olympic Games to the international community show the elements of national power, surprisingly actually first in the Southern earthquake relief shown. The Corporatism defined the mode of interdependence between the NGOs and the government is built on the concept of exchange, of which the most important connotation is the country's laws, institutions and regulations; the organization can not just exist with its own objectives and efficiency relevant professional space must comply with the external specification, which includes the cultural system, moral values. National units the role of classification screening system for the development of mainland China NGO, the NGO in the process of development, whether it can have more than "Legitimacy" is even more important.

This text attempts to compare twp power elites how they obtain power within the historical framework of Han dynasty¡Aand how they got prosper within the political development of Han dynasty. That is, the political tradition and institution, how the two actors got close relations with the historical frames of Han dynasty. The historical institutionalism, being the school of New institutionalism, try to catch a clear mark of power elites and meaningful events, so we can have clear idea of Han history, because we are using a useful approach to study the political development of Han history. We think the most basic rule of ancient Chinese history is one man rule. Wang Mang use the popular concept of correlative cosmology, the school of yin and yang, to break one man rule of ancient Chinese history. But things are not exactly the same of eastern Han. Cao Cao has to fight to survive, because the rule of correlative cosmology was not working so well in eastern Han.

Since the late 20th century, transformation of the general environment has generated unprecedented challenges for symphony orchestras in Europe and America, such as audience development, fundraising, technology innovation, and market competition. Now, transplanted by the Western symphony orchestras, the symphony orchestras in Taiwan also face the most important task to deal with, and that is how to subsist. At the moment, professional symphony orchestras in Taiwan are mainly publicly-owned. The subject of this study will hence probe into the organizational legitimacy, organization positioning, and business strategy of publicly-owned symphony orchestras through analyzing both their external and internal environments as well as the results of in-depth interviews. On one hand, this study will provide an overview of the development of publicly-owned orchestras in Taiwan. On the other hand, it will offer new ways of thinking to orchestra managers and policy makers.

The development of Taiwanese folk songs comprises not only cultural implication of Taiwan, but also the reflection of social phenomenon. The research of Taiwanese folk songs is the same as Taiwan history research. Through the meaning of those songs, we can comprehend the different ideologies and policies between each authority. In the research, we also can understand there are a lot of difficulties for Taiwanese in pursuing the democracy and seeking the belonging and identification. This research analyzed the Taiwanese folk songs with the political history in the background. There are various types of Taiwanese folk song in the history. For the research, I separate it into 3 periods: the Japanese colonization period (1895-1945), the Martial law period (1946-1986), and the rescind martial law up to the party turn-over period (1987-2000). This essay aims to understand the relevance between the Taiwanese folk songs and the state ruling, including constitutional order and policies. We also try to account for the effect of the state ruling as well as the surveillance and pacification on the society. Following this proposition, this studying can help us to understand the difference between the various regimes¡¦ organization and the cultural policies. What is the figuration of the development of Taiwan society? How the state affects the lives of people? How people question the legitimacy of state and expression their challenge in folk songs?

<p>There is a gap between the citizens and the political institutions of the European Union. Several years of low participation in the European Parliamentary elections and a number of surveys shows that the EU has weak legitimacy in the eyes of the people.</p><p>This thesis is a critical study of EU’s communication with the citizens until 2005. Based on Habermas’s theoroetical framework, it searches for deliberative qualities within the EU’s structure. According to Habermas, political legitimacy requires that people can shape and express their opinions in a public sphere, but the EU does not really have a public sphere. He also emphasizes the importance of good channels of communication between people and politicians, but within the EU, communication has been synonymous with information (or marketing) and practically unilateral. This leads to the conclusion that the EU’s lack of deliberative qualities can have affected EU’s political legitimacy negatively.</p>

<p>There is a gap between the citizens and the political institutions of the European Union. Many theorists think that this is due to the fact that the EU suffers from a “democratic deficit” and that the EU is perceived as a project made by and for the political elite. Several years of low participation in the European Parliamentary elections and the French and Dutch rejection of the European Constitutional Treaty in Spring 2005 shows that the EU has weak legitimacy in the eyes of the people.</p><p>In 2004, Margot Wallström was charged to renew the European Commission’s communication strategy and to reconnect with the citizens by stimulating dialogue and debate. This thesis is a critical study of the deliberative qualities of the new communication strategy based on Habermas’s discursive theory, which discusses the strategy’s possible effects on EU legitimacy. It finds that the communication strategy, despite several deliberative apects, have little chances to have an impact on EUs legitimacy, since it fails to engage “common people” in the debate and since it is not part of a major institutional reform but just an “icing on the cake”.</p>

Microfinance has been hailed as a “magic bullet” for poverty alleviation and women’s empowerment, and many believe that microfinance organizations (MFOs) can help the world’s poor move up the socioeconomic ladder. However, MFOs are also under increasing pressure to demonstrate high levels of organizational efficiency, economies of scale, and strong financials. The expectations facing these organizations are thus inherently contradictory: MFOs must do good and at the same time do well. In this dissertation, I focus on the expectations and demands imposed on MFOs by external evaluators. More specifically, I investigate how rating practices and the idealized organizational images that these project were constructed and worked in the Indian microfinance sector from 1999-2014. Through their credit recommendations, rating agencies not only direct the flow of resources in the market; their assessments also constitute a type of normative guidance for MFOs, signaling a set of criteria and ideals for how organizations should act and be structured, as well as which goals should be prioritized and pursued. In my analysis, I identify three sequential and distinct idealized images which are encoded in the rating reports during the study period. This means that ratings lead to the reinforcement of one particular model of conducting microfinance. I also find that prominent raters play a dual role. First, they inform MFOs about the idealized image by codifying what “is out there”, thus explicating institutional pressures. At the same time, they also actively contribute to the construction of idealized images, thereby suggesting which organizations and organizational features should be bestowed with legitimacy. The construction of the idealized image is found to be more noticeable during the early years of the study period, when the field was newly emerging. / <p>Diss. Stockholm :  Stockholm School of Economics, 2015</p>

In 2006, Hizbullah operatives captured two Israeli soldiers in a cross-border attack, prompting a 34-day war in which neither Israel nor Hizbullah emerged victorious. Yet despite Hizbullah’s instigation of the war, Sayyid Hassan Nasrallah, Secretary-General of Hizbullah, largely retained both his popular appeal and his legitimacy during and after the conflict. Noting this paradox, I examine how Nasrallah maintained his legitimacy, defined as having an accepted claim to authority, throughout and after the war. To do so, I perform content analysis on the seven major speeches that Nasrallah delivered during the war in order to answer the following question: How did Nasrallah utilize rhetoric to maintain his legitimacy as Hizbullah’s leader throughout the 2006 war between Israel and Hizbullah? I then draw upon these observations to discuss my subsidiary research question: How does having a better understanding of political rhetoric, particularly in terms of Hizbullah, affect U.S. policies towards the Middle East, and specifically in Lebanon? I argue that Nasrallah framed his message in these speeches using three particular themes: the “us versus them” narrative; the fulfillment of a divinely inspired mission, also known as the NasR ilaahi, or the divine triumph theme; and Hizbullah’s role as the protector of the Lebanese and the Palestinians. In tandem with Hizbullah’s self-identification as a resistance movement, I show that Nasrallah continuously qualified Hizbullah’s mission as defensive. I also demonstrate that Nasrallah chose his words to foster a sense of community and common purpose. Additionally, I note that he often appealed to values widely held through the Arab world, including the sense of karaama, or dignity, and taDaamun, or solidarity, in his remarks. To answer the second question, I review current U.S. policies towards Lebanon and note the ways in which these policies may not resonate with the Lebanese population. I argue that current U.S. policies, which focus on supporting the Lebanese Armed Forces, the Internal Security Forces, developing stronger civil society, and promoting democratization, do not counter Hizbullah’s power partly because U.S. public diplomacy initiatives do not take Nasrallah’s rhetoric and legitimacy into account. / text

The question of the democratic deficit have been a much discussed topic in the field of European studies throughout the years. The lack of accountability in the decision-making together with lack of trust and interest from the public have created a situation where the unions democratic legitimacy has been questioned. The goal of this essay is to analyze what measures the EU have taken to restore the union’s legitimacy and in which direction it’s heading structure-wise through the recent ratification of the Lisbon Treaty and to examine if the public will be allowed to participate in the legislative process somehow. For this purpose I have used a qualitative text analysis of the democratic parts of the Lisbon Treaty to find out what reforms or changes that matter for the democratic process. Together with this I have also used Dimitris N. Chrysschoou’s four models for a democratic Europe to see in which direction the EU is going in terms of the nature of the union’s structure in order to determine the prospects of a legitimate governance. My conclusion is that although the member states after the Lisbon Treaty still enjoy much independence the EU is moving towards a more federalized governance and that the institutional reforms give good conditions for an accountable decision-making, while it’s doubtful to imagine that the reforms to increase the public’s participation will have any notable effects.

As organized global actors, transnational advocacy networks (TANs) are an emerging way of people getting their voice heard and to make a change in global governance. Influencing policy-makers through advocacy has an identified connection to the legitimacy of the organization where the general assumption is that a higher legitimacy facilitates influence. In this thesis we have approached this situation from a strategic standpoint. Seeing as TANs – like most organizations – follow a strategy in order to achieve their goals, we wanted to see how legitimacy can be included as a part of the TANs strategy. This included describing the connections between the TAN as an organization and the legitimacy potential in both the organizational form and their actions. Our empirical findings suggested a close relationship between a TAN’s legitimacy and their stance with a policy-making institution, which led to a focus on these institutions as a target for TANs and their advocacy. We developed on this relation and outlined a suggestion for a strategic framework for TANs to consider when strategizing around legitimacy. We found that two main paths – named the Insider and the Outsider strategies – illustrate the options and implications a TAN is faced with on the topic of strategic legitimacy. The results constitute a contribution to the development of TAN strategy, a field that in the time of our writing this remains underexplored territory. We suggest that this field can be further developed by continuous research and we hope that this thesis is a contribution to that development.