This thesis is devoted to the Treaty of Lisbon. Within the theoretical part, the Treaty of Lisbon is presented together with the circumstances of the admission. It also analyzes its application to the current migration crisis and on the basis of which recommends an ex-post recovery.

This thesis treats of importance of education for the success on the labour market. It is aimed at retraining financed from resources of the active employment policy and at retraining courses and educational activities within the frame of projects of the European Social Fund in the region Vysocina. In the first part I define the conception of the human capital and I mention economists who dealt with the theory of the human capital. The second chapter is applied to the employment policy in the European Union and the Czech Republic. In more detail I describe the Amsterodam Treaty, the European Employment Strategy, the Lisbon Strategy and the results assessment of these strategies. The employment law regulates the employment policy in the Czech Republic. The National System of Qualifications is placed in this part too. In the third chapter I analyse the educational structure of population of the Czech Republic and the region Vysocina. In the following chapter I attend to resources of the financing of retraining which are the state budget and the European Social Fund. In the last chapter I am engaged in retraining in the region Vysocina and I analyse it in various terms.

This diploma thesis seeks to summarize the institutional development taken by the European Union so far (with a particular view to the changes brought about by the Treaty of Lisbon), and, based on this, to provide an assessment of the direction into which the European Union is headed at the beginning of this decade. Within this context, my thesis attempts to outline the various alternative scenarios for the future development of the EU's institutional framework; the likely candidates, to put it simply, are, on the one hand, even deeper integration in the form of a fiscal and political union, or, conversely, the abandonment of the idea of closer cooperation. Since the beginnings of the 1950s, the European Communities and, later, the European Union have been developing towards ever-increasing integration. Even today, one observes obvious tendencies towards intensifying this integration. However, this does not allow for the unambiguous conclusion that the European Union must result in the creation of a fiscal and political union. It is perfectly conceivable that the elected political representatives of individual member states may assume the opposite view, and that tendencies will prevail within the European Union towards a more informal collaboration among separate countries. The present work also attempts a comparison of the views held by politicians, political scientists, analysts, and intellectuals. One finds that even these authors do not arrive at clear-cut conclusions, nor should one expect them to be able to make such conclusions. This thesis draws attention to a number of contradictory aspects - chiefly among them the violation of the Maastricht criteria, and the obvious breach of Article 125 of the Treaty of Lisbon, which prohibits mutual financial assistance.

The subject of the thesis is an important document of our time - the Lisbon Treaty. The thesis is divided into three parts. The first part focuses on 10 years of evolution of the document helping to understand its final form. In the second part, the legal content of the treaty is described. The third and final part presents an overview of the first two years of Lisbon Treaty implementation, with most stress on the prevailing Eurozone debt crisis.

The question arises, how are the homes in the Lisbon School District contributing to delinquency? The answer to this question is the problem for this study.

Application of the Lisbon Treaty provisions on involvement of national parliaments in the EU decision-making process 10 years later Abstract Adoption of the Lisbon Treaty has brought about several essential institutional changes in the functioning of the European Union. For example, a further shift towards co-decision by the European Parliament on secondary law that became ordinary legislative procedure. Also, qualified majority voting in the Council has been extended and subjected to the new conditions. Last but not least, the EU competences have been divided as exclusive, shared and supporting. These and related further steps simultaneously gave rise to a more intense involvement of national parliaments, both in the sense of a scrutiny over a due exercise of conferred powers as well as a democratic safeguard of the new processes. The main goal of this thesis is to present a comprehensive picture of existing legal framework in this field, including a brief summary on crucial historical factors that have been shaping it until its current form. Hand in hand with that, it also offers evaluation of the most frequently used mechanisms throughout the 10 years of its application. Consequently, it leads to a reflection on how, and if at all, effectively exploit the potential of national parliaments in this regard,...

Master thesis "The First and Second Referendum on the Treaty of Lisbon in Ireland" is a comparative case study, which - using the concept of europeanization - analyses causes, which led to the opinion shift of Irish citizens on the Treaty of Lisbon between years 2008 and 2009. Whereas during the first poll in June 2008 Irish rejected the Treaty, 16 months later it was accepted by an expressive majority, when almost half a million people more voted for it. The thesis clarifies, which elements caused a totally different course and result, explores opinions of individual players such as political parties, government, trade unions, associations of interest or significant companies, observes course of the campaign before the referendum, summarizes and analyses outcomes and subsequent reactions both on national and Union level. From the discovered facts the thesis concludes, that behind the change of attitude of the Irish stood especially external effects. On one side pressure of the other member states of the Union and even the EU as a whole to finalize the process of institutional reform and also explicit refusal of repeating the scenario from 2005, when ratification of the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe was terminated after disagreement of France and the Netherlands. On the other side acceptance...

The aim of this PhD thesis was to illustrate the modernisation of Swedish and British welfare policies during the time of the EU’s Lisbon Agenda which aimed at reconciling social protection with labour market integration. Specifically it should be illustrated if both countries managed to cope with the weaknesses and shortcomings that European policy recommendations identified in relation to unemployment benefits, social assistance schemes, parental leave systems and childcare subsidies. The attempt to grasp which role (European) ‘ideas’ were able to play in national welfare modernisation processes between 1998-2008 constituted a key consideration in this regard. By using a case-study design it is worked out that Sweden and Great Britain followed their European recommendations; not completely but significantly. Yet, causal connections can hardly be established and the overall development doesn’t constitute a ‘top-down’ implementation of EU recommendations. In both cases a discourse analysis reveals that the realization of European ideas rather depends on party-political preferences and the arrangement of national discourses. It is shown that ideas become powerful in puzzling situations when existing discourses are challenged and in line with the work of authors like Jørgen Goul Anderssen or Vivien A. Schmidt this thesis confirms the importance of an actor-centred perspective for explaining welfare policies. Considering Sweden as a socialdemocratic and Great Britain as a liberal welfare regime the PhD thesis aims as well at contributing to a better understanding of how policy reforms affected these two differing regime types. For the time during the Lisbon Agenda it holds that they moved ‘closer’ to each other and that welfare modernisation can be described as an exercise of making the social democratic welfare regime a better social democratic welfare regime and of making the liberal welfare regime a better liberal welfare regime. Yet, in 2008 the international financial crisis hit the EU and two years later the Lisbon Strategy was replaced by the EU 2020 Strategy. The PhD thesis takes these developments into account, illustrates the major changes in Swedish and British welfare policies and compares them to the research period. Rather untypical developments in Sweden lead to the conclusion that there might be a certain ‘carousel-effect’ which seems to kind of reallocate ‘problems’ and ‘solutions’ between the different welfare regimes. For Great Britain the conclusion is drawn, that the conservative coalition government triggered a transformation process which wasn’t first and foremost caused by the international financial crisis but represented more of a political choice to make the liberal welfare regime more liberal.

In the summer of 2018 the European Commission awarded Lisbon as European Green Capital 2020 – in part due to investments made by Lisbon municipality in Green Infrastructure (GI) and new green spaces. As the city is becoming greener, this study aims to analyze Lisbon’s urban greening strategies from an environmental justice perspective. It does so based on data collected through desk-research of relevant planning documents and other studies; semi-structured interviews held with individuals working in different positions at Lisbon municipality; and field observations made in Lisbon’s green spaces. The data was analyzed while attending to the different dimensions of environmental justice (EJ), namely procedural and substantive aspects. This research finds that Lisbon’s urban greening strategies reflect environmental justice concerns by seeking to expand GI across the city and increase green space availability. However the strategies are based on a quantitative analysis of the spatial distribution of green spaces, failing to address other barriers that may prevent people from accessing and using green space. This is problematic as EJ is considered to go beyond just distribution. Furthermore forms of public participation and consultation are rather limited and are an exception to the rule; the decision-making process is based on the expert knowledge of civil servants – mainly landscape architects. As participation is seen as a central element of EJ, this research identifies a risk for Lisbon’s urban greening strategies to bypass the different needs and vulnerabilities of different social groups. Therefore, this study recommends policy-makers to include qualitative data regarding the use of Lisbon’s green spaces when analyzing access to green space, and to actively involve and recognize local residents when designing and implementing Lisbon’s GI. / Sommaren 2018 utsågs Lissabon av Europeiska kommissionen till Europas miljöhuvudstad 2020 – delvis på grund av investeringar som Lissabons kommun gjort i grön infrastruktur och nya grönområden. Eftersom staden håller på att bli grönare har denna studie som syfte att analysera Lissabons strategier för urban grönska från ett miljörättviseperspektiv. Denna analys baseras på data insamlad genom skrivbordsforskning i relevanta planeringsdokument och andra studier, semi-strukturerade intervjuer med anställda på Lissabons kommun, samt fältobservationer i Lissabons grönområden. Datan analyserades med hänsyn till de olika dimensionerna av miljörättvisa, nämligen procedurella och substantiva aspekter. Studiens resultat visar att Lissabons strategier för urban grönska tar hänsyn till miljörättviseperspektiv genom målet att utveckla grön infrstruktur runt om i staden och öka tillgången till grönområden. Däremot är strategierna baserade på en kvantitativ analys av den geografiska fördelningen av grönytor, och bortser därför från andra begränsningar som kan förhindra vissa gruppers tillgång till och användning av grönområden. Detta är problematiskt då miljörättvisa anses gå bortom endast geografisk fördelning. Dessutom finns det endast begränsat utrymme för allmännhetens deltagande och samråd; beslutsprocessen är snarare baserad på expertkunskaper från kommunens tjänstepersoner – främst landskapsarkitekter. Eftersom deltagande anses vara en central del i miljörättvisan finns här en risk att Lissabons strategier för urban grönska förbiser de mångfaldiga behov och svagheter av olika samhällsgrupper. Därför rekommenderar studien att beslutsfattare tar hänsyn till kvalitativ data om hur Lissabons grönområden används när de analyserar tillgång till grönområden, samt att de aktivt involverar invånare under design- och implementeringsprocessen av Lissabons gröna infrastruktur. / No verão de 2018, Lisboa foi eleita Capital Verde Europeia 2020 pela Comissão Europeia – em parte, devido aos investimentos feitos pela Câmara Municipal de Lisboa (CML) na Infraestrutura Verde da cidade e na criação de novos espaços verdes. Enquanto a cidade vai ficando mais verde, esta investigação visa analisar as estratégias de estrutura verde da CML a partir de uma perspetiva de justiça ambiental. A análise baseia-se em dados obtidos através do estudo de documentos estratégicos e de planeamento; de entrevistas semi-estruturadas com indivíduos em diferentes posições na CML; e, por último, de observações de campo feitas nos espaços verdes de Lisboa. A análise de dados atendeu às diferentes dimensões de justiça ambiental, nomeadamente aspetos processuais e substantivos. Baseado nessa análise, considera-se que as estratégias de estrutura verde da CML refletem questões de justiça ambiental no sentido de visar a expansão da Infraestrutura Verde pela cidade e o aumento da quantidade de espaços verdes. Contudo, as estratégias baseiam-se numa análise quantitativa da distribuição espacial de espaços verdes, sem ter em consideração possíveis outras barreiras que possam impedir as pessoas de aceder e usufruir de tais espaços. Isto é considerado problemático, uma vez que justiça ambiental requer ir além da distribuição justa. Ademais, as formas de participação ou consulta públicas são limitadas e uma exceção; o processo de tomada de decisão é fundamentado no conhecimento especializado de funcionários públicos, nomeadamente arquitetos paisagistas. Como a participação é vista como um elemento central de justiça ambiental, esta investigação identifica o risco de as estratégias de estrutura verde passarem ao lado das necessidades e vulnerabilidades específicas de diferentes grupos sociais. Assim, recomenda-se que as estratégias incluam uma análise qualitativa sobre a utilização de e acesso a espaços verdes; e que se vise o envolvimento e reconhecimento ativos dos residentes no processo de definição e implementação de novos espaços verdes.

of Content and Conclusions of Dissertation Constitution for Europe JUDr. Jiří Feichtinger The central subject-matter of the dissertation is the assessment of the Treaty establishing the Constitution for Europe ("constitutional treaty") and the co called founding treaties, i.e. the Treaty on European Union and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union ("founding treaties") from the viewpoint of the constitutional law and the general theory of state. From the same viewpoints I also examine the nature of the European Union itself. When choosing this topic of my dissertation I was inspired by ever growing discussions on the extent of the European integration and its purpose, whether it is at all necessary, and whether the European Union is becoming a state or rather remains an international organization sui generis. I am trying to answer, to what extent the content of the constitutional treaty corresponded to its name and whether this document could at all be called a constitution; the same question is being answered with regards to the founding treaties. I further examine, whether the constitutional and/or the founding treaties lead to the united Europe as perceived not only within the notion of the European integration, but also by the general theory of state, i.e. whether these treaties...