Esta Dissertação tem por finalidade examinar as diferentes formas por que o federalismo pode e vem se manifestando desde o modelo embrionário, dos Estados Unidos da América, até a união de Estados nacionais que integra a União Européia. Como primeiro passo, destaca os elementos constitutivos do Estado Federal, com ênfase na importância do fator descentralização do poder na construção de um Estado composto formado por Estados autônomos; em seguida, investiga as origens históricas do federalismo antigo e do norte-americano, na busca dos motivos que levaram à criação de tão inovadora forma de governo de modo particular, traz a abordagem de um caso emblemático de federalismo assimétrico, o das Comunidades Autônomas espanholas, a em de demonstrar a complexidade de coexistência em um só Estado de diversas nacionalidades, etnias, tradições regionais etc.; depois, apresenta o impacto do caso europeu, sem precedentes, em uma era globalizada, ante a necessidade de um processo de integração de maior consistência entre Estados. Culmina por perscrutar os fatores federativos emergentes do Tratado de Lisboa, aprovado em 2009. / The purpose of this thesis is to examine into the different ways federalism may assume and has assumed from the embryonic model of the United States of America through the union of national States found in the European Union. As a first step, this study points out the constitutive elements of the federal State, focusing on the power decentralization factor in building a composite State formed of autonomous States. Next, the historic origins of the ancient and the American federalism will be examined, in an attempt to identify the reasons that lead to the creation of such an innovative form of government. Particularly, an emblematic case of asymmetric federalism will be studied, namely, the Spanish Autonomous Communities, in order to demonstrate the complexity of the cohabitation, in a single State, of several nationalities, ethnic groups, regional traditions, etc. Finally, the impact of the unprecedented European case in a global era, in view of the need for a more consistent integration process among States, will be analyzed. The study culminates with an investigation into the federative factors emerging from the Lisbon Treaty ratified in 2009.

Le principe de l’équilibre institutionnel a été utilisé par la Cour de justice depuis les origines de la construction européenne afin de réguler la répartition des pouvoirs entre les institutions des Communautés européennes puis de l’Union européenne. Cette thèse vise à établir une définition du principe en identifiant ses éléments constitutifs. La détermination de son champ d’application, tant matériel qu’organique, et de ses fonctions dans la jurisprudence permet d’y voir un principe général du droit s’appliquant à l’ensemble des institutions et organes de l’Union dotés d’un pouvoir de décision. Principe structurel, l’équilibre institutionnel garantit les éléments fondamentaux du système institutionnel de l’Union européenne, en particulier l’indépendance organique et la collaboration fonctionnelle des institutions. Il ne constitue pourtant pas un frein à l’évolution du système. Utilisé dans un nombre limité d’affaires, le principe pourrait être exploité de façon plus systématique par la Cour de justice. En tant qu’élément structurant de l’organisation horizontale des pouvoirs, il donne une clé de compréhension du système institutionnel de l’Union et de ses évolutions. Il pourrait s’appliquer à des problématiques nouvelles issues notamment du traité de Lisbonne, telles que la délimitation entre actes législatifs, actes délégués et actes d’exécution. Apte à appréhender l’ensemble des rapports de pouvoir entre institutions, le principe de l’équilibre institutionnel,entendu dans un rapport de compatibilité avec le principe de séparation des pouvoirs, pourrait constituer un fondement théorique du régime politique de l’Union européenne. / The principle of institutional balance has been used by the European Court of Justice in order to solve conflicts between European institutions about the distribution of powers. This dissertation elaborates a legal definition of the principle. This first includes an approach of its scope of application. The study of the functions of institutional balance in the Court’s caselaw allows understanding the normative impact of this principle. It is a general principle of law which applies to all institutions and organs having a role in the decision-making procedures established by the Treaties. As a structural principle, institutional balance is useful to understand the institutional system of the EU as a whole. It could be used by the Court in amore systematic way and applied to new issues of institutional law, brought for instance by the Lisbon Treaty. The new distinction between legislative acts, delegated acts and executive acts offers new grounds for legal hostilities that the principle could help to solve. As a general institutional principle, institutional balance can be compared to the principle of separation of powers and understood as a founding principle of the European Union political regime.

Au cours des cinq dernières décennies, la Turquie n’a cessé de montrer son désir profond de devenir un Etat membre de l’Union européenne. Cette étude aura pour but de mettre en exergue l’évolution des relations euro-turques depuis 1959 à nos jours étant précisé que le point de départ sera marqué par le traité d’Ankara, signé en 1963, connu également sous le nom de Traité d’association. En effet, bien que la candidature turque occupe une place importante dans les débats européens, les bases juridiques de la relation euro-turque ne sont quasiment jamais évoquées. La recherche portera également sur les évolutions survenues dans le sillage du Conseil Européen d’Helsinki (1999) qui accorda à la Turquie le statut de candidate à l’adhésion. Malgré de substantielles évolutions positives, les négociations avancent au ralenti. L’adhésion de la Turquie à l’Union européenne ne pourra donc être clairement envisagée que lorsque des réformes réelles et concrètes auront été engagées en Turquie. En effet, même si ces dernières années ont profondément transformé le paysage turc dans de nombreux domaines, on s’aperçoit que les pratiques ne sont pas encore à la hauteur des législations communautaires. Enfin, la persistance du gouvernement turc à ne pas se conformer aux recommandations européennes sur des sujets très sensibles semble remettre en cause la probabilité d’adhésion de la Turquie au sein de l’Union européenne. / In the past five decades, Turkey has consistently demonstrated its deeply felt desire to become a European Union Member State. The purpose of the present study is to highlight the development of Euro-Turkish relations from 1959 to nowadays, it being specified that the starting point of this study is the Ankara Treaty, signed in 1963, also known as the Association Treaty. Indeed, although Turkey candidacy is now an important part of the European debates, the legal basis of the Euro-Turkish relations are rarely mentioned. The study will also focus on the developments that occurred when the Helsinki European Council of December 1999 stated that Turkey was a candidate for accession to the European Union. Despite substantial and positive developments, the negotiations are progressing very slowly. Therefore, the Turkish accession to the European Union will only be actively considered, when Turkey incurs tangible and real reforms. Indeed, even though changes in recent years have profoundly transformed the Turkish landscape in many areas, it has been noticed that its practices are still not up to Community legislation. Finally, the likelihood of Turkey’s accession to the European Union seems to be questioned by the Turkish government persistence not to comply with European recommendations on highly sensitive issues.

<p>Combining insights from critical discourse analysis (CDA) and neo-Gramscian IPE theory, this paper puts forth a cultural political economy (CPE) perspective to analyse the discursive articulation of ‘European subjects’ in the context of the EU’s Lisbon Agenda modernisation strategy. It is suggested here that the transformation proposed in Lisbon to the new economic imaginary of the knowledge based economy (KBE), depends on ‘new subjects’ and thus new discursive constructions of identities to reflect the new economic and social formations it envisions. The citizenship discourses of two of the Lisbon Agenda’s main supporters, specifically European business lobbies (represented by the ERT and LCEC) and the EU Commission, are examined in order to explore the relationship between citizenship rights and responsibilities and the two main goals of the Agenda, namely economic competitiveness/growth and social inclusion/social welfare protection modernisation. The argument is made that the discursive articulation of a ‘neoliberal communitarian’ variant of citizenship, especially evident in the discourses of the EU’s business lobbies and the EU Commission since the ‘shift’ to jobs and growth in early 2005, represents an attempt to further the commodification of the EU polity, and as a result, subordinate the more social goals of the Lisbon Agenda to the perceived imperatives of economic growth and competition. The Lisbon Agenda does not therefore mark a dramatic ‘turning point’ in favour of a more ‘social Europe’ as was speculated early on, but instead works to consolidate the dominance of ‘embedded neoliberalism’ as the socio-economic governance model for the EU. The paper ends with a discussion of the possible counter-hegemonic movements challenging the orthodoxy of embedded neoliberalism and neoliberal communitarian conceptions of citizenship.</p>

<p>The aim of this paper is to explain how the European Union’s common strategy for theCommon Foreign- and Security Policy (CFSP) will change with the implementation of the Treaty of Lisbon. A comparative case study and qualitative method is used. On the basis of Smith’s theory of institutionalization we will analyze two member states: France and Denmark. Our aim is to see which standpoints these countries have taken concerning the CFSP. We have chosen, in order to analyse the inner and outer factors, to use the liberal intergovernmental “two level game” theory as a theoretical approach. The purpose of the CFSP is to gradually increase the sovereign states’ foreign policy cooperation. The aim of the CFSP is to become an international visible and active player that represents the people of the European Union. At the moment the CFSP is an intergovernmental part of the EU, however there are presentiments that this will change and that CFSP will achieve supranationality. In conclusion, the results of the case study shows that Denmark is aiming for the CFSP cooperation to remain on an intergovernmental platform. France is aiming toward supranationality and a stronger cooperation within the CFSP. In time, with the full implementation of the CFSP, the EU will be able to compete on a global platform.</p>

<p><strong> </strong></p><p>Dissertation in political science, C-level by Niklas Andersson, Spring Semester 2009. Tutor: Arne Larsson</p><p>“The Treaty of Lisbon – The Defence against Globalization?”</p><p>In the modern world globalization have undermined the nation-state and left it without the right measurements to adequately deal with the social and economic unrest that follows in its way. The states, built on contract theories, have an obligation to protect its citizens from the state of nature which seems to have failed as globalization has changed the rules.</p><p>The purpose of this dissertation is to examine the contract theories of Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau and John Rawls to identify the elements of a state and create a modern and ideal contract theory. The treaty shall then be used on the Treaty of Lisbon as it can be seen as a contract between the European states to create an entity in the shape of the European Union with the power to defend Europe from the unrest created by globalization.</p><p>My question for this was as follows:</p><p>Is the new treaty for the European Union acceptable as a new social contract according to the social contract theories?</p><p>During my research the following criteria’s for a social contract was found:</p><p>1. A legislative branch 2. An executive branch 3. A judicial branch 4. The Right to taxation</p><p>5. A centralized educational system 6. The right to property 7. Equalizing redistribution system 8. The right to leave the contract.</p><p>The first four is essential in creating a state and are the primary criteria’s for its existence while the other four is determining the character of the state that is created and are therefore not essential in the creation of the state and are consequently secondary criteria’s in a states creation.</p><p>The answer to the question is no, as the Treaty of Lisbon first of all don’t give the Union the right of taxation on its citizens and secondly, the Union are not given the mandate to act for an educational or an equalizing redistributive system. Without these criteria’s the EU don’t have the possibility to quickly act on its own to deal with urgent problems that rises from the negative aspects of globalization.</p> / <p>Statsvetenskaplig uppsats, C-nivå av Niklas Andersson, Vårterminen 2009. Handledare: Arne Larsson</p><p>"Lissabonfördraget - Försvaret mot Globaliseringen?"</p><p>I den moderna världen har globaliseringen underminerat nationalstaten och lämnat dem utan verktyg för att kunna ta hand om den sociala och ekonomiska oron som följer i dess väg på ett adekvat sätt. Staterna, byggda på kontraktsteorierna har en ansvar för att skydda sina medborgare från naturtillståndet, men som nu har misslyckats i och med att globaliseringen ändrat spelreglerna.</p><p>Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka kontraktsteorierna av Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau och John Rawls för att identifiera beståndsdelarna för en stat och utifrån det skapa en modern idealbild av kontraktsteorin. Kontraktet ska sedan jämföras med Lissabonfördraget då de i viss mån kan ses som ett kontrakt mellan Europas stater för att skapa en enhet utifrån den Europeiska Unionen med makten att skydda Europa mot oron skapad av globaliseringen.</p><p>Min fråga var följande:</p><p>Är det nya fördraget för den Europeiska Unioen acceptabel som ett nytt socialt ontrat enligt de gamla kontraktseorierna?</p><p>Under mon undersökning kom jag fram till följande kriterier för ett socialt kontrakt:</p><p>1. En lagstiftande instans 2. En verkställande instans 3. En lagstiftande instans 4. Rätten att beskatta</p><p>5. Ett centraliserat utbildningssystem 6. Rätten till ägande 7. Utjämnadne omfördelningssystem 8. Rätten att lämna kontraktet.</p><p>De första fyra är essentiella i skapandet av en stat och de primära kriterierna för dess existens medan de övriga fyra bestämmer karaktäen på staten som skapats och är ärmed inte avgörande och är därmed sekundära kriterier.</p><p>Svaret till frågan är nej, eftersom Lissabonfördraget först av allt inte ger Unionen möjligheterna till beskattning och för det andra , Unionen har inte fått madatet till att agera för ett utbildningssystem eller omfördelande ujämningssytem. Utan dessa kriterier har inte EU möjligheten att snabbt agera av egen kraft för att ta hand om brådskande problem som uppståt från globaliseringens negativa sidor.</p>

La tesi dottorale indaga l'articolato sistema di interferenze che la normativa dell'Unione europea esercita sul diritto penale interno, di cui il settore ambientale è parso emblematico. Dal punto di vista sistematico, la tesi può idealmente essere suddivisa in due parti. La prima di queste è dedicata al più generale interrogativo circa l’atteggiarsi del dialogo tra ordinamento interno e sovranazionale alla luce delle novità determinatesi con la riforma dei Trattati del 2009 (e segnatamente; l'eliminazione della divisione in pilastri dell'Unione, la previsione di una competenza penale indiretta dell'Unione, l'attribuzione di valore giuridicamente vincolante alla Carta dei diritti fondamentali e la prevista adesione alla CEDU) in una prospettiva critica “costituzionalmente orientata”. La seconda è più specificamente rivolta alla materia ambientale, quale banco di verifica del funzionamento della nuova potestà punitiva sovranazionale, nonché della competenza redazionale del legislatore comunitario. / The enquiry aims to explore the relationships between European Legislation and National Criminal Law. The thesis is composed of two parts: the first one relates to questions pertaining to the National Criminal Law in light of the innovations of the Lisbon Treaty (i.e. the abolition of the three-pillar structure of the EU, the EU Criminal Law Competence, the Charter of Fundamental Rights that was given binding legal effect equal to the Treaties, the legal basis for the accession of the Union to the European Convention on Human Rights). The analysis is done assuming a constitutional-oriented approach. The second part relates to Environmental Law as a test case for the EU Criminal Competences.

The aim of this paper is to explain how the European Union’s common strategy for theCommon Foreign- and Security Policy (CFSP) will change with the implementation of the Treaty of Lisbon. A comparative case study and qualitative method is used. On the basis of Smith’s theory of institutionalization we will analyze two member states: France and Denmark. Our aim is to see which standpoints these countries have taken concerning the CFSP. We have chosen, in order to analyse the inner and outer factors, to use the liberal intergovernmental “two level game” theory as a theoretical approach. The purpose of the CFSP is to gradually increase the sovereign states’ foreign policy cooperation. The aim of the CFSP is to become an international visible and active player that represents the people of the European Union. At the moment the CFSP is an intergovernmental part of the EU, however there are presentiments that this will change and that CFSP will achieve supranationality. In conclusion, the results of the case study shows that Denmark is aiming for the CFSP cooperation to remain on an intergovernmental platform. France is aiming toward supranationality and a stronger cooperation within the CFSP. In time, with the full implementation of the CFSP, the EU will be able to compete on a global platform.

Submitted by Rui Valdemar Silva Santos (rvaldemar93@gmail.com) on 2017-08-24T16:42:58Z No. of bitstreams: 1 The Lisbon Town Center Retailing - A Study of Consumers Drivers.pdf: 2692825 bytes, checksum: ab5dac6628ba5dd37c0a54eb32317869 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Janete de Oliveira Feitosa (janete.feitosa@fgv.br) on 2017-08-28T18:38:02Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 The Lisbon Town Center Retailing - A Study of Consumers Drivers.pdf: 2692825 bytes, checksum: ab5dac6628ba5dd37c0a54eb32317869 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-31T13:01:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 The Lisbon Town Center Retailing - A Study of Consumers Drivers.pdf: 2692825 bytes, checksum: ab5dac6628ba5dd37c0a54eb32317869 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-14 / Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo a procura e descoberta dos drivers que levam os consumidores a optar pelo CBD como o formato de retalho em que fazem as suas compras. Em particular, o estudo foi conduzido no centro da cidade de Lisboa. Este foi direcionado para uma perspetiva de reflexão no âmbito de centros comercias e o centro histórico. A presença dos drivers (accessibility, parking conditions, tenant mix, product range, merchandise value and sales personnel, atmosphere and orientation and infrastructural facilities) apresentados por Teller & Elms (2010) foi estudada. Foi tido em atenção o facto de que diferentes circunstâncias culturais poderem alterar o peso de cada driver. Adicionalmente, com a pesquisa realizada foi possível aceder a outros drivers. Finalmente, foram realizadas uma análise descritiva, uma análise de conteúdo e uma clusterização desses drivers. / The aim of this paper is to find the drivers that lead consumer to choose CBD as the retail format to make a purchase. In particularly, the study was performed in Lisbon Town Center, and with comparison to opting for Lisbon Shopping Centers. The presence of the drivers accessibility, parking conditions, tenant mix, product range, merchandise value and sales personnel, atmosphere and orientation and infrastructural facilities drivers, which were summarized by Teller & Elms (2010), was tested. The fact that different cultural arrangements can impact the weight of each driver was present in the researcher work. With this research, other drivers emerged and were studied. Finally, a content analysis, a descriptive analysis and the clusterization of these drivers were performed.

Esta Dissertação tem por finalidade examinar as diferentes formas por que o federalismo pode e vem se manifestando desde o modelo embrionário, dos Estados Unidos da América, até a união de Estados nacionais que integra a União Européia. Como primeiro passo, destaca os elementos constitutivos do Estado Federal, com ênfase na importância do fator descentralização do poder na construção de um Estado composto formado por Estados autônomos; em seguida, investiga as origens históricas do federalismo antigo e do norte-americano, na busca dos motivos que levaram à criação de tão inovadora forma de governo de modo particular, traz a abordagem de um caso emblemático de federalismo assimétrico, o das Comunidades Autônomas espanholas, a em de demonstrar a complexidade de coexistência em um só Estado de diversas nacionalidades, etnias, tradições regionais etc.; depois, apresenta o impacto do caso europeu, sem precedentes, em uma era globalizada, ante a necessidade de um processo de integração de maior consistência entre Estados. Culmina por perscrutar os fatores federativos emergentes do Tratado de Lisboa, aprovado em 2009. / The purpose of this thesis is to examine into the different ways federalism may assume and has assumed from the embryonic model of the United States of America through the union of national States found in the European Union. As a first step, this study points out the constitutive elements of the federal State, focusing on the power decentralization factor in building a composite State formed of autonomous States. Next, the historic origins of the ancient and the American federalism will be examined, in an attempt to identify the reasons that lead to the creation of such an innovative form of government. Particularly, an emblematic case of asymmetric federalism will be studied, namely, the Spanish Autonomous Communities, in order to demonstrate the complexity of the cohabitation, in a single State, of several nationalities, ethnic groups, regional traditions, etc. Finally, the impact of the unprecedented European case in a global era, in view of the need for a more consistent integration process among States, will be analyzed. The study culminates with an investigation into the federative factors emerging from the Lisbon Treaty ratified in 2009.