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A city walkable is about re-imagining spatial justice through access and public space in North End, East London, South Africa. The research questioned the state of East London's public space, its inner-city decay, and its vehicular dependency. East London lacks good quality public space that is walkable and accessible. A city walkable has streets that are comfortable, safe, interesting and offer choice. The urban environment must foster walkability. Before Apartheid, North End was a mixed-race community that was spatially integrated with the city because of its proximity to the CBD and its urban fabric. North Enders never needed to own a vehicle to access amenities. People could access their everyday amenities on foot and felt safe walking day or night. North End was a walkable, mixed-use neighbourhood. However, due to the Group Areas Act of 1950, people were forcibly removed from the city and relocated to what is now known as townships. Due to this removal people are forced to rely on public transport or private vehicle for mobility. Townships are not mixed-use, and streets do not foster walkability. By removing people from the city, Apartheid removed walkability. The fundamentals of living in a city are access to the convenience of amenities and work. Denying access to the city is a spatial injustice. This denial has resulted in a lack of walkable streets, unsafe public spaces, and car dependency. Since the forced removals of 1950' North End has been rezoned as a light industrial area. The research aimed to unlock the potential for walkability in East London. North End is re-imagined not only a walkable neighbourhood, but as a neighbourhood that is integrated with both township areas and the CBD. The links used to create linkages are a series of urban mixed-use corridors. Thus, creating a city that is spatially just. This makes North End a strategic place in the city which has the potential to become East London's 'knuckle'. Through various interventions, spatial strategies, and framework a more just, walkable city is envisioned.

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This thesis concerns the practice of ‘psychogeography’ in London, England, and the ways in which psychogeographic writings provoke in city-dwellers an acute sense of disorientation, as though the everyday were otherworldly. My study is intended as a response to Guy Debord’s claim that ‘psychogeography’ investigates “the precise laws […] of the geographical environment” on “the emotions and behaviour of individuals” (Debord qtd. in Coverley 88): any revolutionary enterprise must point to the future, the very notion of which can only be imprecise and un-empirical – psychogeography is not necessarily an exception. I argue that for Alan Moore and Iain Sinclair, the psychogeographic imperative is rather to imagine the implosion of Londonscape as it is well known, since only spatial structures that thus unravel may offer mystical insights that are, as yet, unspoiled by neoliberal/Thatcherite politics and the accompanying ambition to re-vamp English history in a nostalgic light. This study presents psychogeography not simply as a strategy of political resistance but as a visceral and metaphysical experience; it draws upon SF theories of worlding and the philosophical notion of Dasein to address some concerns that have arisen in post-imperial Britain, such as the desire to define English identity, i.e., ‘Englishness.’ / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / This dissertation studies Alan Moore’s and Iain Sinclair’s use of psychogeography to examine the city of London. Psychogeography is an implosive, fragmented writing style that estranges the meaning of the urban everyday. Subject to psychogeographic depiction, London becomes a city altogether foreign, if not to say fantastical. I argue that psychogeography is both a strategy of political resistance and a visceral experience – one that could influence common ways of reading English history and culture (i.e. ‘Englishness.’)

This case study focuses on a housing improvement policy in England aimed at low-income neighborhoods, and the participatory process that exists to affect that policy. The research explores factors which affected the participatory process and as a consequence, policy outcomes in two London boroughs (local governments). The recipients of the housing policy in both boroughs are low-income, working-class residents, yet one borough council is controlled by the Labour Party and the other is controlled by the Conservative Party. Based on arguments made in the literature on the prerequisites to participation, it was expected that because Labour decision-makers are supposedly more politically and socially congruent with these residents and their interests than Conservative decision-makers, that there would be greater likelihood for the decision-making process to be open to participation, and thus more responsive to the needs and expectations of the residents within the Labour borough. Findings indicated that the participatory process was generally the same in both boroughs and that decision-makers in the Labour borough were no more tolerant of or responsive to the residents' needs and demands than were those in the Conservative borough. The process of participation yielded similar results in both boroughs. Using a comparative case study method, this research explores reasons why the process and results were more similar than dissimilar. Where different results were achieved by the resident groups, they were mainly due to differences in the existence and quality of resident leadership. / M.U.A.

This thesis is a study of Joseph Addison's literary criticism as found in The Spectator.