A presente pesquisa tem por objetivo investigar o papel desempenhado pela Constituição na construção de uma ordem pós-guerra civil em Angola, fundamentalmente no que diz respeito ao modelo de Estado e à distribuição do poder político. A pergunta que norteou a pesquisa foi sobre que bases a lógica do exercício do poder deveria se pautar em uma nova ordem social, de modo a garantir a estabilidade política no contexto de pós-guerra? A análise partiu do pressuposto que a Constituição foi construída para transformar o conflito e consolidar uma nova etapa na história angolana, consolidando o modelo de distribuição do poder estatal e, sobretudo, um projeto de Estado para o pós-guerra. Em virtude disso, os agentes políticos buscaram cristalizar pontos específicos na Lei Magna e institucionalizar seus interesses pela via constitucional. Para a feitura da pesquisa empreendemos uma análise do processo de negociação constitucional entre UNITA e MPLA durante o período de 1998 ano da criação da Comissão Constitucional a 2010 ano de promulgação da nova Constituição. A hipótese de trabalho aventada é que o MPLA procurou aprovar uma Constituição com forte pendor presidencialista e concentração do poder do Estado no Presidente da República. A metodologia utilizada foi a análise documental, enriquecida com entrevistas e análise de material de imprensa. Por meio dessa pesquisa, observou-se a ocorrência de um processo histórico de concentração do poder do Estado no Presidente da República não só em Angola, mas em diversos países africanos, e a existência de diferentes projetos de Estado pelos partidos políticos, de acordo com suas trajetórias e posições nas disputas políticas. Adicionalmente, apontou-se que o MPLA procurou configurar uma transição constitucional negociada e que isso não foi possível porque a direção da UNITA apresentou caráter heterogêneo, que ora facilitou ora bloqueou a consecução desse fim. / The aim of this research is to investigate the role played by the Constitution in the construction of a post-civil war order in Angola, mainly with respect to the nature of the State and to the distribution of political power. The research question was on what basis the logic guiding the exercise of power should be grounded, in order to guarantee the political stability in the post-war context? The analysis is based in the assumption that the Constitution was forged to transform conflict and to consolidate a new era in Angolan history, cementing the chosen model of State power distribution and, mainly, a project of State to the post-war. Because of this, the political agents sought to crystalize particular points and to institutionalize their interests in the Constitution. We analyze the process of constitutional negotiation between UNITA and MPLA during the period of 1998 when the Constitutional Commission is created to 2010 year of enactment of the new Constitution. The hypothesis is that the MPLA sought to approve a presidential Constitution with high concentration of State power in the President of the Republic. The methodology involved documental analysis, refined with interviews and press documents. Through this research, we observed the occurrence of a historical process of concentration of State power in the President of the Republic in Angola and many other African countries, and the existence of different projects of State in Angola, in accordance to the trajectories and positions of each political party in the political disputes. Additionally, we pointed that the MPLA sought to configure a constitutional transition transactioned, what was not possible because the direction of UNITA was very heterogeneous, sometimes facilitating and sometimes blocking this aim.

A presente pesquisa tem por objetivo investigar o papel desempenhado pela Constituição na construção de uma ordem pós-guerra civil em Angola, fundamentalmente no que diz respeito ao modelo de Estado e à distribuição do poder político. A pergunta que norteou a pesquisa foi sobre que bases a lógica do exercício do poder deveria se pautar em uma nova ordem social, de modo a garantir a estabilidade política no contexto de pós-guerra? A análise partiu do pressuposto que a Constituição foi construída para transformar o conflito e consolidar uma nova etapa na história angolana, consolidando o modelo de distribuição do poder estatal e, sobretudo, um projeto de Estado para o pós-guerra. Em virtude disso, os agentes políticos buscaram cristalizar pontos específicos na Lei Magna e institucionalizar seus interesses pela via constitucional. Para a feitura da pesquisa empreendemos uma análise do processo de negociação constitucional entre UNITA e MPLA durante o período de 1998 ano da criação da Comissão Constitucional a 2010 ano de promulgação da nova Constituição. A hipótese de trabalho aventada é que o MPLA procurou aprovar uma Constituição com forte pendor presidencialista e concentração do poder do Estado no Presidente da República. A metodologia utilizada foi a análise documental, enriquecida com entrevistas e análise de material de imprensa. Por meio dessa pesquisa, observou-se a ocorrência de um processo histórico de concentração do poder do Estado no Presidente da República não só em Angola, mas em diversos países africanos, e a existência de diferentes projetos de Estado pelos partidos políticos, de acordo com suas trajetórias e posições nas disputas políticas. Adicionalmente, apontou-se que o MPLA procurou configurar uma transição constitucional negociada e que isso não foi possível porque a direção da UNITA apresentou caráter heterogêneo, que ora facilitou ora bloqueou a consecução desse fim. / The aim of this research is to investigate the role played by the Constitution in the construction of a post-civil war order in Angola, mainly with respect to the nature of the State and to the distribution of political power. The research question was on what basis the logic guiding the exercise of power should be grounded, in order to guarantee the political stability in the post-war context? The analysis is based in the assumption that the Constitution was forged to transform conflict and to consolidate a new era in Angolan history, cementing the chosen model of State power distribution and, mainly, a project of State to the post-war. Because of this, the political agents sought to crystalize particular points and to institutionalize their interests in the Constitution. We analyze the process of constitutional negotiation between UNITA and MPLA during the period of 1998 when the Constitutional Commission is created to 2010 year of enactment of the new Constitution. The hypothesis is that the MPLA sought to approve a presidential Constitution with high concentration of State power in the President of the Republic. The methodology involved documental analysis, refined with interviews and press documents. Through this research, we observed the occurrence of a historical process of concentration of State power in the President of the Republic in Angola and many other African countries, and the existence of different projects of State in Angola, in accordance to the trajectories and positions of each political party in the political disputes. Additionally, we pointed that the MPLA sought to configure a constitutional transition transactioned, what was not possible because the direction of UNITA was very heterogeneous, sometimes facilitating and sometimes blocking this aim.

Lipopolissacarídeos (LPS) de L. interrogans, S. enterica e B. pertussis foram extraídos e as subfrações monofosforil lipídeo A (MPLA) preparadas por hidrólise. O LPS é responsável por forte resposta imunológica e endotóxica em mamíferos, enquanto o MPLA apresenta baixa endotoxicidade e boa capacidade imunomoduladora. Estudamos a atividade adjuvante de LPS e de MPLA em formulações com antígenos LigA ou OmpA contra leptospirose. Testes de imunização e desafio em hamsters confirmaram alta atividade imunoprotetora de LigA e capacidade adjuvante do MPLA de salmonela e de LPS de leptospiras, mas as formulações não foram capazes de bloquear a colonização renal na leptospirose. Os resultados sugerem diferenças na imunidade protetora sistêmica da imunidade protetora renal. / Lipopolysaccharides (LPS) of L. interrogans, S. enterica and B. pertussis were extracted and the subfraction monophosphoril lipid A (MPLA) prepared by hydrolysis. The LPS is responsible for immunological response and endotoxicity in mammallians, while MPLA has reduced endotoxic activity, but maintain the immunomodulatory capacity. We studied the adjuvant capacity of LPS and MPLA in formulations with LigA or OmpA antigens against leptospirosis. Tests of immunization and challenge in hamsters confirmed the high immune protection activity of LigA and adjuvant capacity of MPLA of salmonela and LPS of lepstopiras, however formulations did not block the renal colonization. The results suggest that there are differences in the systemic immune protection from the kidney immune protection.

Cette thèse étudie la persistance du conflit angolais entre 1991 et 2002. Elle entend revenir sur les causes de la faillite des processus de paix de Bicesse et de Lusaka. La signature des accords de Bicesse entre le MPLA et l’UNITA, le 31 mai 1991, ne permit guère à l’Angola d’accéder à une paix durable. Après les élections des 29 et 30 septembre 1992, la guerre reprit sur l’ensemble du territoire. Le gouvernement MPLA et l’UNITA signèrent un nouvel accord de paix à Lusaka le 30 novembre 1994. Mais, celui-ci n’eut guère plus de réussite que le précédent malgré l’inauguration d’un Gouvernement d’unité et de réconciliation nationale en avril 1997. Les deux camps s'affrontèrent de nouveau en décembre 1998 et fut alimentée par les entrées d’armes au profit des deux camps, qui finançaient leur effort de guerre grâce au pétrole pour le MPLA et aux diamants pour l’UNITA. L’affaiblissement politique et militaire de l’UNITA permit au MPLA de défaire ce mouvement en tuant son chef le 22 février 2002. / This PhD dissertation examines the persistence of the Angolan conflict between 1991 and 2002. It goes back over the causes of the failure of the Bicesse and Lusaka peace processes. The signing of the Bicesse accords between MPLA and UNITA, on May 31st, 1991, did not permit Angola to reach a lasting peace. After the elections, which took place on September 29 and 30, 1992, the war started again on the whole territory. The MPLA government and UNITA signed a new peace accord in Lusaka on November 30,1994. Nevertheless, it had as little success as the former peace accord, despite the inauguration of a new government of unity and national reconciliation in April 1997. A new war began in December 1998 and was fueled by weapon supplies for the two groups, which financed their war effort thanks to oil resources for MPLA and diamonds for UNITA. UNITA's political and military weakening allowed MPLA to defeat this organization by killing its leader on February 22nd, 2002.

Lipopolissacarídeos (LPS) de L. interrogans, S. enterica e B. pertussis foram extraídos e as subfrações monofosforil lipídeo A (MPLA) preparadas por hidrólise. O LPS é responsável por forte resposta imunológica e endotóxica em mamíferos, enquanto o MPLA apresenta baixa endotoxicidade e boa capacidade imunomoduladora. Estudamos a atividade adjuvante de LPS e de MPLA em formulações com antígenos LigA ou OmpA contra leptospirose. Testes de imunização e desafio em hamsters confirmaram alta atividade imunoprotetora de LigA e capacidade adjuvante do MPLA de salmonela e de LPS de leptospiras, mas as formulações não foram capazes de bloquear a colonização renal na leptospirose. Os resultados sugerem diferenças na imunidade protetora sistêmica da imunidade protetora renal. / Lipopolysaccharides (LPS) of L. interrogans, S. enterica and B. pertussis were extracted and the subfraction monophosphoril lipid A (MPLA) prepared by hydrolysis. The LPS is responsible for immunological response and endotoxicity in mammallians, while MPLA has reduced endotoxic activity, but maintain the immunomodulatory capacity. We studied the adjuvant capacity of LPS and MPLA in formulations with LigA or OmpA antigens against leptospirosis. Tests of immunization and challenge in hamsters confirmed the high immune protection activity of LigA and adjuvant capacity of MPLA of salmonela and LPS of lepstopiras, however formulations did not block the renal colonization. The results suggest that there are differences in the systemic immune protection from the kidney immune protection.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:32:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Francisco dos Santos.pdf: 621684 bytes, checksum: 7408aa86803b431428e76567748e2d11 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-17 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The research records the relationship between Brazil and Angola, between the period of 1960 and 1970, analyzing the Afro-Brazilian Movement Pro- Liberation of Angola (MABLA); a movement that involves various sectors of the society in Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. The aim of this movement was to create awareness to the Brazilian public about the problems faced by the Portuguese colonies in Africa; this research focused especially on the actions leading on to the independence of Angola. There were many burdens because Angola s independence happened in the middle of the Cold War, and an aggravating factor was the Salazar s regime which was established in Portugal in 1926 and was very anachronistic. This regime had close links to Brazil almost till the end, in 1974, with the Carnation Revolution. MABLA had established relationship with the Popular Movement for Angola s Liberation (MPLA), a movement which had closed ties to the Soviet Union and Cuba. In the coup d´état of April 1, 1964, the Civil-Military regime aligned with the United States, some militants of MABL were arrested. This same Civil-Military regime was the first to recognize Angola s independence on November 11, 1975, led by MPLA. Therefore, the research examines the development of relationships between two countries, trying to understand the contexts of the decade 1960 to 1970 regarding its transformations / A pesquisa apresentada registra o relacionamento entre Brasil e Angola, entre a década de 1960 e 1970 por meio do Movimento Afro-brasileiro Pró- Libertação de Angola (MABLA). Movimento que envolveu diversos setores da sociedade tanto nas cidades de São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro. As ações desse Movimento manifestaram-se no sentido de sensibilizar a opinião pública brasileira para os problemas enfrentados pelas então colônias portuguesas em África. Mormente nessa pesquisa vão ser trabalhadas as ações em prol da independência de Angola, por parte do Brasil. Os ônus enfrentados foram grandes, visto que o processo de independência de Angola estava inserido na conjuntura da Guerra-Fria, tendo como agravante que estava sobre domínio do regime português salazarista estabelecido em 1926 e já muito anacrônico. Regime com o qual o Brasil teve relações estreitas até quase seu termino, em 1974, com a Revolução dos Cravos. O MABLA estabeleceu laços com o Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola (MPLA), movimento esse que, com passar do tempo estreitou relações com a União Soviética e Cuba. Conduto com o Golpe Civil-Militar de 1 de Abril de 1964, que alinha o Brasil com os Estados Unidos, alguns militantes do MABLA foram presos. Esse mesmo regime Civil-Militar foi o primeiro a reconhecer a independência de Angola, em 11 de novembro de 1975, tendo a frente o MPLA. A pesquisa, portanto, analisa o desenvolvimento das relações entre, Brasil e Angola, procurando entender as conjunturas da década de 1960 a 1970, tendo em vistas suas transformações

Russia's renewed interest and involvement in the African continent is reminiscent of a time when the Soviet Union supported various ideologically aligned groups to win a geopolitical power struggle and assert its position as a global superpower. The motives seem to have changed, but the question is whether Russian warfare in Africa has changed as well. In this comparative study, the Soviet Union's support for the MPLA and their takeover in Angola in 1975 is compared with Russia's support for the military junta that seized power in Mali after a military coup in 2020, aiming to determine how Russian/Soviet warfare in Africa has evolved over time. Supported by Thomas Rid and Lars Ulfving's theoretical framework on so-called active measures, three operationalized variables are identified and analyzed as: white, gray, and black. Through qualitative text analysis, reports and literature from the cases are examined. The results of this study provide a deeper understanding of how hybrid warfare has been and is currently used as a means of Russian influence in Africa. The methods for this have rather been reinforced than changed historically by global development trends, especially the spread of information technology and the utilization of private companies and other actors. This study has confirmed that there is a historically rooted common Russian strategy to acquire and exert influence, a strategy based on the Soviet Union's traditional methods, active measures. A dual strategy consisting of both official policies and unofficial means where the unofficial means are driven by private actors, facilitating Russia's plausible deniability.

L’Angola est devenue indépendante du Portugal le 11 novembre 1975, au milieu des disputes internes qui ont conduit à l'éclatement de la guerre civile provoquée par le fait que le MPLA a déclaré unilatéralement l'indépendance à Luanda. Ce moment a été déterminée en grande partie par le soutien reçu de Cuba et le bloc de l'Est, plus précisément l'URSS, au cours des 14 années de lutte anticoloniale. Dans la période postindépendance, entre 1975 et 1991, même si des bases militaires soviétiques ne furent pas été installées en Angola, il faut signaler l’influence politique-idéologique et la présence militaire de l’Union Soviétique, qui s’exerça à un degré élevé en comparaison avec d’autres pays dans le contexte d’une bipolarité mondiale. Du point de vue idéologique, l’influence soviétique se manifesta dans des actions de l’Etat angolais en ce que cela touchait à la construction d’un sentiment et d’une identité nationale, ainsi que dans l’appartenance à une nation angolaise, objectivée dans le processus de constitution de l’Homme Nouveau, promu par le Parti-Etat. Du point de vue militaire, l’implication de Moscou dans la guerre en Angola nous a amené à conclure que dans ce territoire les Soviétiques donnèrent une plus grande importance à la consolidation de l’Etat en ce qui touchait la sécurité et le renforcement des appareils politiques, en fournissant matériel et le soutien consultatif pour les forces militaires de l’Angola, bien qu'il soit important de remarquer que les Soviétiques n'ont pas contrôlé la politique intérieure du pays. / Angola became independent from Portugal on 11 November 1975, in the midst of internal disputes that led to the outbreak of civil war caused by the fact that the MPLA unilaterally declared independence in Luanda. This moment has been determined largely by the support received from Cuba and the Eastern bloc, specifically the USSR during the 14 years of anti-colonial struggle. In the post-independence period, between 1975 and 1991, although Soviet military bases were not been installed in Angola, it should be noted the political-ideological influence and military presence of the Soviet Union, which exercised a high degree compared with other countries in the context of global bipolarity. From an ideological point of view, Soviet influence was manifested in the actions of the Angolan government in that it affected the building and a sense of national identity, as well as membership in an Angolan nation, objectified in the process of formation of the New Man, promoted by the Party-state. From a military point of view, the involvement of Moscow in the war in Angola has led us to conclude that in this territory the Soviets gave greater importance to the consolidation of the state in which affected the safety and building equipment policies, providing material and advisory support to the military forces of Angola, although it is important to note that the Soviets did not control the internal politics of the country.

Increased chip size and reduced feature size has helped following Moores law for long decades. This has an impact on interconnect length, which is resulting in chip performance degradation. Despite the introduction of new materials with Low-K dielectrics for interconnects, their delay is expected to substantially limit the chip performance. To overcome this problem the need for new technology has arrived. One such promising technology is the three-dimensional Integrated chips (3D ICs) with multiple silicon layers. In this thesis, three dimensional integrated chip (3D IC) technology has been implemented on programmable logic arrays (PLAs). The two-dimensional PLAs are converted to three-dimensional PLAs to realize the advantages of the third dimension. Two novel approaches for partitioning of PLAs are introduced for topological optimization. Greedy algorithm is implemented on the partitioned PLAs to utilize the third dimension for further enhancement in scalability factors. This concept has been implemented on MPLA (Magic Programmable Logic Array) tool. The 3D PLA has been tested on MCNC91 benchmark suite and the results are presented. The experimental results are compared with the 2D-PLA on the same benchmark set. The results obtained indicate the efficacy of the proposed synthesis approach.

Orientador: Jose Claudinei Lombardi / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-05T23:13:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 BritoNeto_Manuel_D.pdf: 951579 bytes, checksum: 5f0f00b205f677b4a01f1b28968e4b2d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: Este trabalho tem como objetivo central de análise ¿a História da Educação de Angola: do colonialismo ao MPLA¿. Nele se analisam o momento mais alto do processo de educação colonial, suas contradições principais, crise e derrocada, no período abrangendo os anos entre 1956 e 1974. A educação colonial, compreendida como um sistema, produziu a ideologia da dependência, da subordinação e transformou Angola em território de exportação de matérias-primas e mão-de-obra barata para a indústria dos países industrializados da Europa e seus aliados. A trajetória da implementação de uma educação contra-hegemônica pelo Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola ¿MPLA¿ é aqui também analisada como o surgimento de uma educação, cujos objetivos se voltavam para as amplas massas populares de angolanos, até então submetidos à escravatura colonial portuguesa. A nova educação, surgida nos anos 50 do século XX, foi decorrente do surgimento e desenvolvimento de várias formas de associação civil dos naturais de Angola, que assumiram relevante papel como atores nos processos de mobilização e da mudança social que se verificou nos anos de 1974 e 1975. Ressalta-se que esses movimentos foram reconhecidos como espaço de criatividade e inovação social, e caracterizados como agentes de pressão político-social, protestos, contestações e resistência, nesse período que marcou uma nova etapa na implementação da proposta educacional do MPLA. No início deste novo milênio, o MPLA, reiniciou a implantação do processo de reconstrução e de ampliação da esfera da educação pública. Ainda hoje é notória a resistência a essas mudanças / Abstract: This work has as central aim purpose the analysis of "The History of the Angola¿s education from colonialism to MPLA. It makes the analysis of the huge moment's process of colonial educations, their main contradictions, crisis and overthrow, in the period comprised betwen 1956 and 1974 years. The colonial education conceived as a system produced an ideological dependence, subjection and changes Angola in a exporter territory of raw material and cheaper manual labor to Europe's industrial countries and his allies. The course to fix a kind of counter hegemonical education by the People's Movement for the liberation of Angola (MPLA) has been analised, also, as a result of a education that the aim purposes widespread on the vast popular mass people's Angola country. The new education aroused by the 50' years of the 20th century elapsed as issue and development in many features of civil association Angola's folks, whose take over relevant role as protagonists inside the mobilization process and social chagements that takes place betwen the 1974 to 1975 years. Those movements had been recognized as a place of creativity and social newness and featured as a agent of political stress, disapproval, protestation and resistence. In this millennium marked by a new stage in the process to introduce his educational purposes the MPLA restarted the process of reconstruction and enlargement of the sphere from the public education. Today is notorius the resistence against it's changes / Doutorado / Historia, Filosofia e Educação / Doutor em Educação