This thesis investigates two Swedish municipalities that have vocalised a discontent with Sweden’s recent “Settlement Act,” arguing that they would like to receive more refugees than the national policy allows. Making it an interesting case of decision-making processes within governance studies. In the center of this thesis, public officials’ influence in the policy process of migration and refugee settlement is investigated, given that this focus has previously been neglected in studies concerning migration policy. As such, the primary purpose of this study is to describe and analyse how public officials potentially influence the policy process, alongside a secondary task of investigating how municipalities react towards a more restrictive national policy regarding refugee settlement and what governance arrangements this can lead to. The study uses a qualitative research method, drawing upon documents from the municipalities and twelve interviews with both public officials and politicians. The study finds that public officials influence the policy process within two dimensions of power: agenda-setting and decision-making. Furthermore, it is found that local governments react towards the more restrictive national policy with a localist approach, by formulating policies of their own, using “vertical venue shopping” to influence upper levels of government, and arguing that local problems need local solutions. Nonetheless, the thesis demonstrates that these attempts to influence upper levels of government do not succeed, with no signs of the national government changing its policy in response. Thus, it is argued that with specific regards to refugee settlement, it seems as though Swedish policy-making is becoming increasingly top-down, with limited opportunities for local governments to influence national policy.

This dissertation examines some of the strengths and weaknesses in basin level governance particularly as it relates to three current policy priorities: adaptive governance, international frameworks for response to natural and man-made disasters, and resilience in integrated water resources management. While these priorities are well-established in the academic and policy literature, in practice the ability to implement them at multiple levels has proven challenging. Though my dissertation highlights these challenges using case studies of European river basins, the observations and lessons for improving integrated management at multiple levels of governance, in multiple sectors, and among various actors are more broadly relevant to other natural resource governance settings. The first paper of this dissertation explores adaptive governance in the Tisza sub-basin, considering both constraints and policy options for strengthening adaptive governance at the sub-basin level. The Tisza is the largest sub-basin to the Danube River basin, and faces increasing pressures exacerbated by climate change. The Tisza countries have experienced challenges with managing climate change adaptation in a nested, consistent, and effective manner pursuant to the European Union Water Framework Directive. This is due, in part, to inefficiencies in climate change adaptation, such as weakened vertical coordination. This paper examines the conceptual domains relating to adaptation in international governance, and adaptation in transboundary water management in particular, with a focus on multilevel governance. International laws and policies governing transboundary waters in the Danube basin and Tisza sub-basin are reviewed. Using interviews and document analysis, the paper highlights challenges to adaptation in the Tisza sub-basin, including policy, fiscal, institutional, and capacity. The paper concludes with an exploration of possible policy options for sub-basin management, such as the development of a sub-basin commission, the establishment of a permanent Tisza expert group to be housed at and coordinated by the ICPDR, the use of new or existing bilateral treaties, and designing a framework for managing the Tisza. The second paper analyzes the transition in international frameworks of response to natural and man-made disasters as incorporated and integrated at multiple levels of governance. It begins with a discussion of the distinctions between so-called “natural” disasters and “man-made” accidents, how and why they are treated differently, and how recent developments in international law and practice are raising questions about the merits of these historic distinctions. Anthropogenic climate change drives more extreme and sometimes cascading disasters that require complex and overlapping types of response; it is argued that the distinctions in response to natural and man-made disasters are counterproductive, outdated, and ultimately flawed. The paper examines the policy and institutional frameworks governing response to natural disasters and man-made accidents in the Danube River basin and Tisza River sub-basin. Using expert interviews and legal and policy analysis, it then explores the differences in how natural disasters and man-made accidents are monitored and how they are responded to. The paper concludes with an analysis of the implications of transitioning policies toward a more holistic framework for response, regardless of whether the cause is natural, man-made, or (as is increasingly the case) some combination. The third paper advances the concept of a new approach – resilient IWRM – and how this approach can be applied to the management practices of the Danube and Rhine River basins and other river basins around the world. Using the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction, the leading framework for resilience, and supported by expert interviews, the paper analyzes what resilience measures have been addressed, and what gaps remain in the basin management frameworks of the Danube and Rhine River basins. The paper concludes with a discussion of the current constraints in the resilient IWRM framework of the Danube and Rhine River basins, in addition to options for overcoming these challenges. This dissertation concludes with a discussion of crosscutting dimensions of analysis, specifically the challenges faced in integrating climate change adaptation, response to natural and man-made disasters, and resilience into multiple levels of water governance. While these conceptual elements are well-established, the ability to operationalize these elements has proven difficult from multiple perspectives highlighted in this dissertation. The difficulties suggest a more nuanced and pragmatic approach to both their framing and their operationalization.

The master's thesis Multi-level governance in the field of renewable energy: the case of Brittany focuses on the development of renewable energies in the French region of Brittany. The theoretical approach is based on the distinction of two types of multi-level governance developer by Hooghe and Marks. The thesis aims to investigate whether these two types can be found in the case of Brittany. Changes in the position of the region on the energy field caused by the process of energy transition are also addressed. The development of energy policy at the European level is described since it has decisive influence on the renewable energy sources. The EU set binding targets through its Climate and Energy Package which are then transposed to the national level. The thesis continues by investigating the role of the French regions in the field of renewable energy and comes to the conclusion that the regions have been empowered through the process of energy transition. Regions are actively involved in the development of renewable energy as is shown in the case of Brittany; nevertheless, they are still dependent on the decisions taken at the national level.

Intersectoral collaboration has been established as essential in the work on climate change adaptation at the municipal level, but the municipalities face several institutional constraints to working across sectors. Because climate change adaptation is situated in a multilevel governance system, the national level has a role to play in institutional change at the municipal level. This thesis focuses on knowledge as an influential tool and sets out to investigate the potential of the national level to support collaborative action at the municipal level that challenges current institutions characterised by working in separate sectors. This is done by analysing the work of the National Knowledge centre for Climate Change Adaptation as they play a central role in the knowledge production on climate change adaptation at the national level. The findings of this thesis contribute to a better understanding of the barriers and opportunities that faces a national authority when supporting the municipalities through knowledge. These are mainly connected to the efficiency of the multilevel governance system, where increased horizontal and vertical interaction could facilitate the knowledge production to better support institutional change. The findings indicate that the regional level have a key role to play in enabling interaction across the system. Furthermore, national authorities must find ways to support collaborative municipal action without encroaching on the municipal autonomy. The findings give indications on what form knowledge could take to achieve this.

Almost all of the regions and municipalities in the EU are represented by a regional representative office in Brussels and their purpose and mission with offices differs from each other. Previous research has focused on the larger more powerful regional representative offices and omits the smaller ones. This thesis aims to get a larger understanding of the regional representative's role in the EU. This thesis studies the Stockholm Regional EU Office and the North Sweden European Office within three different dimensions, at the EU level (Upload), at the regional/local level (Download) and the connection between these two levels (Crossload). The results of the thesis are based on interviews with representatives of the offices and the offices annual reports. This thesis has identified implications the regional representation offices are contributing of heading to a new form of governance, with offices' aim of influencing EU policies.

歐盟多層次治理由超國家歐盟機構、國家、跨國家網絡與次國家代表團體串聯而成，此四層次行為者緊密相關並互動產出歐盟政策。此模式進而延伸至歐盟境外治理，使得管制(regulation)增加，區域無政府狀態也漸趨向制度化(institutionalized)。三大同步進展的推動力導致歐盟多層次治理。其一，歐盟公民共享世界觀形塑出歐盟內部一致性；其二，歐盟中央化(centralize)成員國不能或不願治理之議題領域；其三，歐盟分裂化(fragmentate)其治理權威予跨國家網絡與次國家代表團體。歐盟境外治理以其周邊為主，其面向潛在會員國的擴大政策(enlargement policy)將區域和平共榮區大幅擴張，為國際關係史上的巨大成就。同時，歐盟對於非潛在會員國的境外治理行為模式漸受關注。此即會籍條件性(membership conditionality)與政策條件性(policy conditionality)的比較。 　　歐盟地中海政策即歐盟對於非潛在會員國境外治理的個案。相較於以中東北非區域或非洲區域為整體，地中海區域主義更加密切，並因而有其研究價值。歐盟作為成員國集體行動的代理人(agent)，在歐盟地中海政策的推展中，也漸產生前述的多層次治理模式。本文對歐盟地中海政策網絡進行檢驗，並發現其與主權國家的外交政策的相異性。就低主權爭議性而言，跨國家與次國家層次有效迴避殖民遺緒爭議與干涉內政疑慮；就高政策滲透性而言，跨國與地方網絡易於串聯滲透至地中海區域公民社會、企業及地方代表機構之中，有助於促成文化同質性與共同生活經驗，並從根本上促進和平共榮區的目標；就低強制性而言，歐盟地中海政策中的共有制(co-ownership)精神，國家、跨國家與次國家層次的自願參與及水平式合作，都使得地中海夥伴國較以往更願意納入歐盟地中海政策的治理網絡之中。 / EU multilevel governance consists of supranational institutions, nation states, transnational advocacy networks and subnational representative bodies. The interplay of these four levels contributes to EU policies, and even EU external governance, which mainly focuses on its neighborhood. EU enlargement policy toward potential member states successfully expands EU area of peace and prosperity. Meanwhile, EU external governance in non-potential member states become systematic and obvious. EU Mediterranean policy is a case of EU external governance in non-potential member states. Compared to the development of regionalism in Middle East and North Africa (MENA) or Africa, regionalism across Mediterranean Sea is much stronger and thus worth more researches. EU promotes its Mediterranean policy in a way of multilevel governance as well, especially after Arab uprising in 2011 as EU starts to cooperate more with legislatures and non-governmental organizations in Mediterranean regions instead of depending on governments there. This thesis examines the networks of EU Mediterranean policy and figures out that they are different from diplomatic policies of sovereign states. First, they involve less sovereignty issues since transnational and subnational level effectively avoid post-colonial disputes and intervention concerns. Second, they are highly accessible because of their strong connections with civil society, enterprises and local representative bodies in the Mediterranean region. Third, they uphold principle of co-ownership and political pluralism and participants are thus more willing to join the policy networks.

O Acordo de Paris, que estabelece o compromisso das Nações para o enfrentamento às mudanças climáticas, foi ratificado por 133 países em prazo recorde 4 meses depois de sua adoção em dezembro de 2015 com regras que começam a valer a partir de 2020. Ao longo dos mais de vinte anos durante os quais ocorreram as negociações, governos locais do mundo todo estiveram sempre presentes, por meio das redes transnacionais de cidades (RTCs), principalmente o ICLEI. Este trabalho visa avaliar a participação de municipalidades brasileiras na governança global do clima (GGC) por meio de sua associação a RTCs, e, compreender qual o papel dessas redes na agenda climática de governos locais no Brasil. Ao analisar a ação paradiplomática de metrópoles brasileiras selecionadas e seus resultados, investiga-se sua contribuição para os esforços de mitigação do Brasil, na abordagem de governança multinível global do clima. A pesquisa leva em conta a perspectiva de atores relevantes e a prática da ação local pelo clima, para investigar a governança global do clima ocorrendo na escala subnacional, no âmbito de metrópoles brasileiras. Esses atores de interesse (stakeholders) que interagem nas diferentes esferas de governo pertencem a setores governamentais e não-governamentais, integrando a governança multinível (GMN) do clima. A análise concentra-se na atuação de metrópoles brasileiras, em particular Belo Horizonte e São Paulo, por sua escala e representatividade na economia do país, além de sua atuação pioneira no tema. As cidades brasileiras investigadas neste trabalho demonstram compreender a relevância das ações climáticas para a gestão urbana e, sua inserção na GGC por meio das redes transnacionais e em colaboração com o Governo Federal. Seus gestores e empreendedores políticos estabelecem prioridades compatíveis com a realidade de seus municípios, sem deixar de perceber os benefícios da atuação internacional em rede. Embora esse engajamento nem sempre seja espontâneo, tende a perdurar, impulsionado pela percepção dos benefícios e pelo incentivo das redes. A participação de municípios na agenda climática do Brasil ainda é limitada pelo sistema federativo e pela concentração de recursos no nível federal. A melhor oportunidade para que as cidades se insiram na agenda do clima é por meio de sua atuação nas associações e redes nacionais, como a Frente Nacional dos Prefeitos (FNP) e o Fórum de secretários de meio ambiente das capitais brasileiras (CB27). A expectativa é que o papel dos municípios seja melhor compreendido e sua contribuição seja integrada à governança climática do Brasil a partir da implementação de suas NDCs. Para tanto, será preciso superar as dificuldades técnicas e políticas que desafiam a governança do país, em geral. / The Paris Agreement that establishes commitments for nations to address climate change was ratified by 133 countries in an unprecedented four-month period after its adoption in December 2015.Rules will apply beginning in 2020. During the almost twenty years of climate negotiations, local governments have always been present by way of the transnational networks of cities, particularly ICLEI. This research aims to assess the participation of Brazilian cities in global climate governance (GCG) through their engagement in transnational city networks (TCNs), and to understand the role of TNCs in the climate agenda of local governments in Brazil. Furthermore, the investigation on paradiplomatic activities of these metropoles aims to determine their contribution to Brazil´s mitigation efforts, from a multilevel governance approach. This research considers stakeholders´ perspective and local climate action to investigate GCG at subnational scale in Brazilian metropolises. Stakeholders from governmental and nongovernmental institutions interact in different spheres of government, thus integrating multilevel climate governance. Analysis focuses on the activities of Brazilian metropolises, especially Belo Horizonte and São Paulo, due to their scale and economic status in the country, besides being pioneers in climate action. Brazilian cities in this study understand the relevance of climate action to urban management, and their participation in GCG through engagement with TCNs, while collaborating with Federal Government. Managers and political entrepreneurs establish climate action priorities consistent with their municipalities´ context, at the same time being aware of the benefits of TCNs participation. Even though their engagement isn´t often spontaneous, it tends to last, encouraged by the networks, and by their own perception about the benefits. Municipal participation in agenda setting in Brazil is still restricted by the federative model and financial resource concentration at the federal level. Cities´ best opportunity for inclusion in Brazil´s climate governance is to act through national associations of municipalities, such as the National Mayors Front (FNP) and the forum of municipal environment authorities of Brazilian capital cities, CB27. It is expected that the role of municipalities will be better understood, and that their contribution will be integrated to climate governance in the implementation of Brazil´s NDCs. To attain this goal, it will be necessary to overcome technical and political difficulties in general challenging the country.

<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>D Level Essay in Political Science, Spring Semester 2010 by Sangrid von Zedtwitz-Liebenstein. Tutor: Malin Stegmann McCallion. “Democratic Accountability in Networks”</strong></p><p> </p><p>The aim of this study is to highlight the problem of the democratic deficit in the private-public partnerships in Sweden. This is a comparative case study with four ideal types. To enhance understanding of networking and public private partnerships, the paper has a descriptive approach where the aim is to put the working method of networks and partnerships into a wider context.</p><p>The network's and partnership's social structural dependencies and the different actors involved, are discussed with reference to Multi Level Governance theory. The discussion in this study is based on the government's bill for economic growth and vitality throughout the country, <em>En politik för tillväxt och livskraft i hela landet</em> (Regeringen, 2001).</p><p>The research question that the paper answers is: How does Västra Götaland County Council try to solve the problems with accountability in their private-public partnerships?</p><p>To answer the question, the two theoretical approaches Network Evaluation Theory and Policy Network Analysis are used[Okänd för1] . The empirical material, on which the analysis is based, consist of  The Västra Götaland County Council's guidelines [Okänd för2] for evaluating private public partnerships, <em>Modell för lärande uppföljning och utvärdering</em> (Västra Götalandsregionen, 2009).</p><p>The Government Bill and the Regulation of the regional growth policy in the country show that a MLG system is being developed in Sweden, and how Sweden through it becomes embedded in the larger MLG system of EU within[Okänd för3]  the policy area.</p><p>The conclusion drawn from the study of Västra Götaland's guidelines is that the private public partnerships in Västra Götaland region Council are controlled with objectives and results these are continuously monitored for discrepancies and adjustments. The public-private partnerships often also have participation from the Västra Götaland Region Council.</p>

Orientador: Prof. Dr. Klaus Frey / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do ABC, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Planejamento e Gestão do Território, 2016. / Trata-se de pesquisa sobre o Consórcio Intermunicipal de Saneamento Básico da Região do Circuito das Águas (CISBRA), em que se aborda a governança na gestão de resíduos sólidos. Na presente dissertação objetiva-se analisar o CISBRA sob a perspectiva da governança multinível, enfatizando a cooperação intermunicipal no âmbito do consórcio e os estímulos provenientes dos entes federal e estadual para a gestão consorciada de resíduos sólidos, identificar e analisar as contribuições das instâncias de participação presentes no consórcio e identificar a influência das Políticas Nacional e Estadual de Resíduos Sólidos na gestão regional dos resíduos sólidos por meio do CISBRA. A pesquisa, portanto, busca saber em que medida a adoção de consórcios públicos pode contribuir para a melhoria na coordenação de políticas de resíduos sólidos entre os municípios e entre os entes federados, e quais as implicações e potencialidades da inclusão da perspectiva do cidadão e da sociedade civil na governança multinível de resíduos sólidos viabilizada por consórcios públicos. Os procedimentos metodológicos utilizados nesta pesquisa compreenderam pesquisa bibliográfica, documental e realização de entrevistas semiestruturadas com os atores relevantes para o caso empírico. Os resultados indicam que os municípios reconhecem o CISBRA como instituição regional de resíduos sólidos, contudo, deve-se atentar para os problemas decorrentes das diferenças de capacidades entre os municípios e necessidade de maior integração com a sociedade. / This research is about the Intermunicipal Consortium of Basic Sanitation of the Water Circuit Region (CISBRA) in the State of São Paulo and addresses specifically the governance of solid waste management by means of the consortium. The dissertation aims to analyze the CISBRA from the perspective of multilevel governance, emphasizing inter-municipal cooperation as promoted by the consortium and the stimuli from federal and state entities to the formation and implementation of solid waste management consortium. Particularly, it identifies and analyzes the contributions of participatory arrangements present in the consortium and identifies the influence of the National and State Solid Waste Policies in management of solid waste by CISBRA. The research therefore seeks to know to what extent the adoption of public consortia can contribute to improving the coordination of solid waste policies among municipalities and between federated entities, and what are the implications and potentials for the inclusion of the citizen and civil society perspective in multilevel governance of solid waste made possible by public consortia. The results indicate that the municipalities recognize CISBRA as a regional solid waste institution, however, attention must be paid to the problems arising from differences in capacities between municipalities and the need for greater integration with society.

O Acordo de Paris, que estabelece o compromisso das Nações para o enfrentamento às mudanças climáticas, foi ratificado por 133 países em prazo recorde 4 meses depois de sua adoção em dezembro de 2015 com regras que começam a valer a partir de 2020. Ao longo dos mais de vinte anos durante os quais ocorreram as negociações, governos locais do mundo todo estiveram sempre presentes, por meio das redes transnacionais de cidades (RTCs), principalmente o ICLEI. Este trabalho visa avaliar a participação de municipalidades brasileiras na governança global do clima (GGC) por meio de sua associação a RTCs, e, compreender qual o papel dessas redes na agenda climática de governos locais no Brasil. Ao analisar a ação paradiplomática de metrópoles brasileiras selecionadas e seus resultados, investiga-se sua contribuição para os esforços de mitigação do Brasil, na abordagem de governança multinível global do clima. A pesquisa leva em conta a perspectiva de atores relevantes e a prática da ação local pelo clima, para investigar a governança global do clima ocorrendo na escala subnacional, no âmbito de metrópoles brasileiras. Esses atores de interesse (stakeholders) que interagem nas diferentes esferas de governo pertencem a setores governamentais e não-governamentais, integrando a governança multinível (GMN) do clima. A análise concentra-se na atuação de metrópoles brasileiras, em particular Belo Horizonte e São Paulo, por sua escala e representatividade na economia do país, além de sua atuação pioneira no tema. As cidades brasileiras investigadas neste trabalho demonstram compreender a relevância das ações climáticas para a gestão urbana e, sua inserção na GGC por meio das redes transnacionais e em colaboração com o Governo Federal. Seus gestores e empreendedores políticos estabelecem prioridades compatíveis com a realidade de seus municípios, sem deixar de perceber os benefícios da atuação internacional em rede. Embora esse engajamento nem sempre seja espontâneo, tende a perdurar, impulsionado pela percepção dos benefícios e pelo incentivo das redes. A participação de municípios na agenda climática do Brasil ainda é limitada pelo sistema federativo e pela concentração de recursos no nível federal. A melhor oportunidade para que as cidades se insiram na agenda do clima é por meio de sua atuação nas associações e redes nacionais, como a Frente Nacional dos Prefeitos (FNP) e o Fórum de secretários de meio ambiente das capitais brasileiras (CB27). A expectativa é que o papel dos municípios seja melhor compreendido e sua contribuição seja integrada à governança climática do Brasil a partir da implementação de suas NDCs. Para tanto, será preciso superar as dificuldades técnicas e políticas que desafiam a governança do país, em geral. / The Paris Agreement that establishes commitments for nations to address climate change was ratified by 133 countries in an unprecedented four-month period after its adoption in December 2015.Rules will apply beginning in 2020. During the almost twenty years of climate negotiations, local governments have always been present by way of the transnational networks of cities, particularly ICLEI. This research aims to assess the participation of Brazilian cities in global climate governance (GCG) through their engagement in transnational city networks (TCNs), and to understand the role of TNCs in the climate agenda of local governments in Brazil. Furthermore, the investigation on paradiplomatic activities of these metropoles aims to determine their contribution to Brazil´s mitigation efforts, from a multilevel governance approach. This research considers stakeholders´ perspective and local climate action to investigate GCG at subnational scale in Brazilian metropolises. Stakeholders from governmental and nongovernmental institutions interact in different spheres of government, thus integrating multilevel climate governance. Analysis focuses on the activities of Brazilian metropolises, especially Belo Horizonte and São Paulo, due to their scale and economic status in the country, besides being pioneers in climate action. Brazilian cities in this study understand the relevance of climate action to urban management, and their participation in GCG through engagement with TCNs, while collaborating with Federal Government. Managers and political entrepreneurs establish climate action priorities consistent with their municipalities´ context, at the same time being aware of the benefits of TCNs participation. Even though their engagement isn´t often spontaneous, it tends to last, encouraged by the networks, and by their own perception about the benefits. Municipal participation in agenda setting in Brazil is still restricted by the federative model and financial resource concentration at the federal level. Cities´ best opportunity for inclusion in Brazil´s climate governance is to act through national associations of municipalities, such as the National Mayors Front (FNP) and the forum of municipal environment authorities of Brazilian capital cities, CB27. It is expected that the role of municipalities will be better understood, and that their contribution will be integrated to climate governance in the implementation of Brazil´s NDCs. To attain this goal, it will be necessary to overcome technical and political difficulties in general challenging the country.