This thesis explores the nature of the late medieval European worldview in the context of the thirteenth- and fourteenth-century European journeys to Asia. It aims to determine the precise influence of these journeys on the wider European Weltbild. In lending equal weight to the accounts of the eastward travellers and the sources authored by their counterparts in Europe, who did not travel to Asia, the present study draws together two related strands in medieval historiography: the study of medieval European cosmology and worldview, and the study of medieval travel and travel literature. This thesis treats the journeys as medieval Europe’s interaction with Asia, outlining how travellers formed their perceptions of ‘the East’ through their encounters with Asian people and places. It also explores the transmission of information and ideas from travellers to their European contemporaries, suggesting that the peculiar textual culture of the Middle Ages complicated this process greatly and so minimised the transfer of ‘intact’ perceptions as the travellers originally formed them. The study contends instead that the eastward journeys shaped the late medieval European world picture in a different way, without overturning the concepts that underpinned it. Rather, this thesis argues, thirteenth- and fourteenth-century eastward voyages subtly altered how Europeans were inclined to understand these underpinning concepts. It suggests that the journeys intensified and made the concepts more immediate in Europeans’ minds and that they ‘normalised’ travel itself to the point where it became an essential part of the way Europeans could most readily make sense of the vast and kaleidoscopic world around them.

Liberal thinkers have suggested different theories that legitimise the state's various processes, institutions, and use of coercive power. However, their theories cannot account for those motivations that cause men to put their lives in danger when standing against political oppression. The study of Montesquieu's theory of government can aid liberalism's incomplete account of the political motivations that incline men to defend their liberty. Toward this end, this thesis studies Montesquieu's notions of virtue and honour, and challenges the meaning they have been accorded in previous studies. This thesis suggests that Montesquieu combined these notions in order to conceive a type of motivation that inclines individuals to defend their liberty against encroachment. In order to recover this type of motivation, this study will adopt an approach of close textual analysis with attention to the context. Virtue and honour play a crucial role in Montesquieu's political thought because they foster the preservation of government. Virtue inclines citizens in republics to act with self-sacrifice. However, that virtue does not aim toward the attainment of excellence or of God's grace; rather, Montesquieu conceived virtue in relation to public utility. Honour inclines the subjects of monarchy to pursue their selfish desires in order to derive public benefits. However, Montesquieu did not conceive honour in connection with the liberal motif of the invisible hand; rather, he conceived honour in connection with the pursuit of glory. By combining honour and virtue, Montesquieu conceived a type of motivation that can foster the preservation of liberty in modernity. This motivation enables individuals to enjoy their liberty in times of peace by pursuing their selfish desires; in times of crisis, it inclines them to perform great actions in order to defend that liberty against political oppression. Considering Montesquieu's type can aid liberalism's account of political motivations in the contemporary debate.

This study explores the rediscovery and development of a tradition of Ciceronian academic scepticism in British philosophy between c.1660-c.1760. It considers this tradition alongside two others, recently recovered by scholars, which were recognised by contemporaries to offer opposing visions of man, God and the origins of society: the Augustinian-Epicurean, and the neo-Stoic. It presents John Locke, Conyers Middleton and David Hume as the leading figures in the revival of the tradition of academic scepticism. It considers their works in relation to those of Anthony Ashley Cooper, third earl of Shaftesbury, and Bernard Mandeville, whose writings refashioned respectively the neo-Stoic and Augustinian-Epicurean traditions in influential ways. These five individuals explicitly identified themselves with these late Hellenistic philosophical traditions, and sought to contest and redefine conventional estimations of their meaning and significance. This thesis recovers this debate, which illuminates our understanding of the development of the ‘science of man’ in Britain. Cicero was a central figure in Locke’s attempt to explain, against Hobbes, the origins of society and moral consensus independent of political authority. Locke was a theorist of societies, religious and civil. He provided a naturalistic explanation of moral motivation and sociability which, drawing heavily from Cicero, emphasised the importance of men’s concern for the opinions of others. Locke set this within a Christian divine teleology. It was Locke’s theologically-grounded treatment of moral obligation, and his attack on Stoic moral philosophy, that led to Shaftesbury’s attempt to vindicate Stoicism. This was met by Mandeville’s profoundly Epicurean response. The consequences of the neo-Epicurean and neo-Stoic traditions for Christianity were explored by Middleton, who argued that only academic scepticism was consistent with Christian belief. Hume explored the relationship between morality and religion with continual reference to Cicero. He did so, in contrast to Locke or Middleton, to banish entirely moral theology from philosophy.

Cette thèse de doctorat est consacrée à l’étude de l’un des tabous majeurs des sociétés humaines :la consommation par un individu de la chair ou de toute autre substance issue de ses semblables, autrement dit l’anthropophagie (ou cannibalisme). Selon une approche inédite, la problématique a été abordée dans toute la diversité de ses manifestations, au travers d’une documentation très variée, tant textuelle qu’iconographique, dans le cadre de l’Antiquité grecque et latine et au sein du Moyen Age occidental (latin surtout). L’objectif de la recherche était de mettre en évidence les pratiques, les discours et l’imaginaire d’un comportement alimentaire radicalement étranger aux normes culturelles des périodes et des lieux envisagés.<p>Le plan de la thèse est conçu comme un parcours débutant et s’achevant aux confins du monde (le cannibalisme de « l’Autre »), tandis que le cœur du travail est consacré au cannibalisme de « l’intérieur », celui des affamés et des marginaux surtout. Tout naturellement, l’attention se focalise d’abord sur Homère et la confrontation d’Ulysse avec le Cyclope, qui installe dans la tradition l’imaginaire du pasteur des confins du monde, grand amateur de chair humaine. Hérodote, quant à lui, construit l’image d’un monde connu dont les frontières sont occupées par des peuples qui apprécient bien souvent la chair humaine. Là encore, le pasteur nomade est synonyme de sauvagerie. Une telle tradition perdure chez les auteurs latins antiques et médiévaux, qui reprennent à leur compte les anciens anthropophages en les déplaçant parfois, en les multipliant éventuellement. Mappae mundi médiévales, récits de voyage et descriptions du monde maintiennent dans les siècles qui suivent les mangeurs de chair humaine aux marges du monde, là où Colomb s’attendra plus tard à les trouver.<p>Le rôle du cannibalisme en tant que marqueur d’altérité trouve un écho très fort dans la marginalisation de certains groupes ou individus au sein même des sociétés antiques ou médiévales. A notamment été développé le cas des accusations de cet ordre portées contre les premiers Chrétiens. Le danger représenté par le franchissement de la norme fait naître par inversion des pratiques ou des croyances qui visent à exploiter les potentialités curatives ou « magiques » de la consommation de substances humaines :en témoignent le controversé cannibalisme médical ainsi que le matériel offert par les pénitentiels médiévaux. Un bref chapitre s’attache à un autre genre de comportements en marge :des scènes de cannibalisme censées avoir constitué le point culminant d’épisodes de violence collective.<p>Une grande attention a été accordée au cannibalisme de survie, le recours à la chair humaine comme nourriture de substitution en période de famine. Le passage de l’incompréhension antique face à un comportement indigne de l’homme à l’assimilation par la pensée chrétienne de ce type de cannibalisme à un fléau divin a été largement traité. La longue tradition médiévale des récits, issus de Flavius Josèphe, relatant la consommation d’un enfant par sa mère au cours du siège de Jérusalem a permis de démontrer la force de la présence du thème du cannibalisme dans l’imaginaire médiéval en tant que sanction divine. Une ample documentation a pu être réévaluée à la lumière de ce constat, ce qui a notamment permis de montrer de quelle façon l’évocation du cannibalisme pouvait être instrumentalisée afin de signifier la présence d’une sanction divine.<p> / Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished