Sjuksköterskeyrket var länge ett kvinnodominerat yrke dit män inte hade tillträde. På 1950-talet rådde stor sjuksköterskebrist i Sverige och en del av lösningen var att bredda rekryteringen och öppna yrket för män. Den anstormning man hade hoppats på uteblev dessvärre och sjuksköterskebristen fortsatte att vara ett problem. Varför sökte sig då inte männen till yrket? Syftet med denna uppsats är att försöka förstå varför sjuksköterskeyrket inte lockade fler män under 1950- och 1960-talet. Mer specifikt kommer jag att undersöka om det fanns ett motstånd från de kvinnliga sjuksköterskorna och om rådande mansideal hindrade männen från att söka sig till sjuksköterskeyrket. Eftersom jag försöker förstå varför männen uteblev valdes en kvalitativ ansats. Mitt material har bestått utav tidningsartiklar och offentliga utredningar såväl som avhandlingar och i övrigt relevant litteratur inom området. Dessa har delats in i två teman med koppling till frågeställningarna och har därefter analyserats med hjälp av kvalitativ textanalys. Mitt teoretiska ramverk består dels av social inhägnad som kan kopplas till min frågeställning om motstånd från de kvinnliga sjuksköterskorna och dels av mansforskning när det gäller frågeställningen om mansideal.  Resultaten visar att det fanns ett motstånd från de kvinnliga sjuksköterskorna men att det klingade av i mitten på 1960-talet. Det visar också att rådande mansideal var starkt förankrat i samhället. Det fanns en bild av hur en man skulle vara och den stämde inte överens med att vara sjuksköterska.  Enligt min tolkning var det rådande mansidealet därmed en annan bidragande orsak till att männen uteblev från yrket. Tidigare forskning kring manliga sjuksköterskor har fokuserat på problem som kan uppstå när männen väl har blivit sjuksköterskor eller under studietiden. Denna uppsats fokus ligger på tiden innan det. Jag menar därför att den har bidragit till ökad förståelse av varför männen inte sökte sig till sjuksköterskeyrket under denna period.

As is well-known, there are presently several archives of old Swahili manuscripts: in Dar es Salaam, Halle and Hamburg, London etc. These collections and separate manuscripts are being studied from various points of view by both European and African scholars. Beside the vast collection of old Swahili manuscripts kept in SOAS, there is another collection of Swahili works at the British Library in London, which has been considerably expanded recently by acquisitions from Jan Knappert. There, one of the most interesting manuscripts which I have ever seen is kept. I am talking about the manuscripts (OR 4534) received in 1884 by a well-known expert of the Swahili language and literature: W.E. Taylor, who was a missionary in East Africa. In 1891 they have been acquired by the British Museum. It is a roll that is 200 cm long and 16-17 cm wide. Seven sheets, glued together, of a thick paper of special quality (2-3 sheets put together) which even resembles a kind of skin, it is skillfully written on in stable ink.

No description available.

As is well-known, there are presently several archives of old Swahili manuscripts: in Dar es Salaam, Halle and Hamburg, London etc. These collections and separate manuscripts are being studied from various points of view by both European and African scholars. Beside the vast collection of old Swahili manuscripts kept in SOAS, there is another collection of Swahili works at the British Library in London, which has been considerably expanded recently by acquisitions from Jan Knappert. There, one of the most interesting manuscripts which I have ever seen is kept. I am talking about the manuscripts (OR 4534) received in 1884 by a well-known expert of the Swahili language and literature: W.E. Taylor, who was a missionary in East Africa. In 1891 they have been acquired by the British Museum. It is a roll that is 200 cm long and 16-17 cm wide. Seven sheets, glued together, of a thick paper of special quality (2-3 sheets put together) which even resembles a kind of skin, it is skillfully written on in stable ink.

The following essay is a study of the theatre-play Min Arm, a translation and performance by Per Lasson for Fria Teatern in Stockholm 2009-2010. Actor, director and playwright Tim Crouch wrote the original script My Arm in English in 2003. With basis in intermedial theory, as defined by Jörgen Bruhn, as well as Hans-Thies Lehmann’s theory on post-dramatic theatre this study investigates the meaning-building processes in Min Arm as a theatrical performance. Concepts of the difference between stage play and performance text are borrowed from and inspired mainly by Eli Rozik’s Generating Theatre Meaning. By using Roland Barthes concept of intertextuality as an inherent part of every text, which places it in a social context, Min Arm is placed in a broader intertextual and intermedial discourse. Starting from the notion that a theatrical performance has a unique ability to combine verbal and non-verbal signs this study maps out how the audience becomes part of the meaning- building systems in Min Arm. The theatre play will be labelled a hypermedium, as it acts as a framework for several other visual media. To incorporate Min Arm and performance studies in a larger scope of artistic tradition this study uses Jurij Lotman’s theories on art among other modelling systems and Samuel Taylor Coleridge’s notion of the ”willing suspension of disbelief” that is the basis for generating meaning in the theatre-performance. The main body of the essay takes three directions after a description of Min Arm’s plot and staging: the different texts of Min Arm, the play as a hypermedium and Min Arm in a broader context. The study sets out to answer questions on how Min Arm’s seemingly simple story manages several layers; what relationship Min Arm has to theatre as a medium; and how meaning is created in Min Arm. By doing so the investigation reaches at two inherent themes of Min Arm, which concern recipient meaning construction and the transformative qualities of the text.

Wie erwähnt (SLUB-Kurier 2005/4), hat die Musikhistorikerin Dr. Janice B. Stockigt, Mitglied der Australian Academy of the Humanities und der Faculty of Music der University of Melbourne (Kurzporträt in SLUB-Kurier 2001/4), letztes Jahr im historischen Musikalienbestand der SLUB den wohl wichtigsten Vivaldi-Fund seit 75 Jahren gemacht. Im Folgenden informiert Jan Stockigt selber über die Genese ihrer Entdeckung. Im März 2006 war der Bericht ertmals in Symposium The Newsletter of the Australian Academy of the Humantities erschienen. Die Übersetzung aus dem Englischen fertigte K.W. Geck an.

No description available.

No description available.

Researchers in the field of Swahili studies have noted the need for a comprehensive, detailed catalogue of the Swahili manuscripts at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS, University of London). They have had occasion to make this recommendation in print (see, for example, Omar and Frankl 1994 and Frankl 1999) and - presumably many more times, and to no specified audience - in life, as they pored over unitemised or inaccurately labelled files of eminent scholars in the field. It is precisely this need for a comprehensive, widely accessible catalogue that the Swahili Manuscripts Project at SOAS was established, in October 2001, to address. In this article, the present authors undertake to describe the catalogue being created and to discuss problems they have encountered and observations they have had opportunity to make in the course of their work.

Wie erwähnt (SLUB-Kurier 2005/4), hat die Musikhistorikerin Dr. Janice B. Stockigt, Mitglied der Australian Academy of the Humanities und der Faculty of Music der University of Melbourne (Kurzporträt in SLUB-Kurier 2001/4), letztes Jahr im historischen Musikalienbestand der SLUB den wohl wichtigsten Vivaldi-Fund seit 75 Jahren gemacht. Im Folgenden informiert Jan Stockigt selber über die Genese ihrer Entdeckung. Im März 2006 war der Bericht ertmals in Symposium The Newsletter of the Australian Academy of the Humantities erschienen. Die Übersetzung aus dem Englischen fertigte K.W. Geck an.