This study explores how four medieval poems—the Junius manuscript’s Genesis B and Christ and Satan and Geoffrey Chaucer’s Troilus and Criseyde and The Parliament of Fowls—engage with medieval conjugal rights through their depictions of agentive female protagonists. Although many laws at this time sought to suppress the rights of women, especially those of wives’, both pre- and post-conquest poets illustrate women who act as subjects, exercising legal rights. Medieval canon and common law supported a certain amount of female agency in marriage but was not consistent in its understanding of what that was. By considering the shifts in law from Anglo-Saxon and fourteenth century England in relation to wives’ rights and female consent, my project asserts that the authors of Genesis B and Christ and Satan and the late-medieval poet Chaucer position their heroines to defend legislation that supports female agency in matters of marriage. The Anglo-Saxon authors do so by conceiving of Eve’s role in the Fall and harrowing of hell as similar to the legal role of a forespeca. Through Eve’s mimesis of Satan’s rhetoric, she is able to reveal an alternate way of conceiving of the law as merciful instead of legalistic. Chaucer also engages with a woman’s position in society under the law through his representation of Criseyde’s role in her courtship with Troilus in his epic romance, Troilus and Criseyde. Chaucer disrupts his audiences’ expectations by placing Criseyde as the more agentive party in her courtship with Troilus and shows that women might hope to the most authority in marriage by withholding their consent. In his last dream vision, The Parliament of Fowls, Chaucer engages again with the importance of female consent in marriage but takes his interrogation of conjugal rights a step further by imagining an alternate legal system through Nature, a female authority who gives equal consideration to all classes and genders.

My aim in this study was to understand and explain the academic performance of married women students in higher education. The study was conducted on married women students who are studying at higher institutions in Nigeria. A mixed research method was used. The study population was drawn from two higher education institutions – a university and a college of education. Focus group conversations and interview protocol were used to gather qualitative data, while a questionnaire and the academic results of participants were used to gather quantitative data. Data were analysed using constant comparative approach – the reported stories that emanated from the conversations with the research participants; the deduced meanings from the interview protocol; and the statistical testing of the generated hypothesis via t-test statistics and Pearson product moment correlation. The findings include the readiness of women students to narrate their experiences, and the hindrances cultural practices impose on their academic performance, amongst other things. This study uniquely reveals that the academic performance of women students in higher education in Nigeria differs between married women students and single women students. However, some women students in this study were satisfied with their academic performance while others were not. They blamed their academic performance on several factors including cultural practices, marital status, financial constraint and so forth. Apart from women students in higher education who were not satisfied with their academic performance, all women students who formed the sample, including those who considered their academic performance to be satisfactory, complained about cultural practices and their effect on academic performance. Despite their complaints, however, the majority of the women student participants in this study, both married and single, continue to support cultural practices. They said that cultural practices, including the ones that are considered harmful to higher education for women and their academic performance, should not be eradicated or changed, as they maintain that these practices make women truly responsible. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2011. / Education Management and Policy Studies / unrestricted

Termination of pregnancies is a public health concern in many developing countries. In Bangladesh women faces barrier to access health care service for pregnancy termination. Moreover induced termination is illegal, against religion and moral grounds therefore, many pregnancies termination performed by untrained and unsafe way in Bangladesh which leading to maternal morbidity and mortality. On the other side, unintended pregnancy termination such spontaneous abortion, miscarriage occurs due to disease, trauma, genetic defect or biochemical incompatibility of mother and fetus and climate change related vulnerabilities. This study investigates the prevalence and associated factors of terminated pregnancy among Bangladeshi ever-married women. Secondary data was obtained from Bangladesh Demographic Health and Survey (BDHS) for the year of 2017-18. Data was included 20127 samples of ever-married women of reproductive age 15-49 year. Descriptive analysis (chi-square test) and one way- ANOVA (Analysis of Variance) test was conducted to understand the association between factors and pregnancy termination. The study finding revealed that 21% ever-married women had terminated pregnancy and there were statistically association between terminated pregnancy and demographic, socio-economic and reproductive health related factors. Termination of pregnancy is prevalent in Bangladeshi women and need to apply health policy for preventing and intervening programme to eliminate geographic and socio-economic inequalities. For example, providing education and counselling program about reproductive health care service and family planning method help to avoid unintended or unsafe pregnancy termination.

This thesis examines the effect of women's labor force participation on marital instability. It is hypothesized that women's income-earning affects marriage in two ways: 1) the "independence effect" facilitates divorce by enabling women to be self-supporting; 2) the "parallel marriage effect" improves marital satisfaction and the quality of the marital relationship because women with higher incomes generally have more power in marriage. The "independence effect" is measured by whether or not women's income is sufficient, defined as income above the poverty line for the appropriate family size as established by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. "Parallel marriage" is measured by the wife-husband income ratio. Both women's own income level and wife-husband income ratio are taken two years prior to her divorce.

No description available.

Discriminant function analysis was performed on data from 87 female volunteers who were between the ages of 21 and 53 years old and who had been married at least one time. Sixty-two of the subjects had no history of premarital pregnancy; 18 subjects had been pregnant when they married; and seven subjects had an induced abortion before marriage. All groups were discriminated (p < .05) by the variables of marital adjustment, lack of emotional vulnerability, masculinity, chance locus of control, powerful others locus of control, and number of marriages. Women with a history of premarital pregnancy were less satisfied with their present or most recent marriage and tended to have had more marriages; they also were higher on belief in chance, lower on belief in powerful others, lower on instrumentality and more lacking in emotional vulnerability than were women without history of premarital pregnancy. The two groups with history of premarital pregnancy were discriminated (p < .05) by marital adjustment and lack of emotional vulnerability. Women who married when pregnant were less satisfied with their present or most recent marriage and were more emotionally vulnerable than were women who had abortions prior to marriage.

Refugee women face several health and well-being risks in conflict settings. Intimate partner violence (IPV), military violence, poor sexual and reproductive health (SRH), early marriage, and unemployment are some of the competing challenges that refugee women face globally. IPV has been associated with mental health problems,1–3 unwanted pregnancy, pregnancy complications, STIs, and unsafe abortion practices,4 HIV,5–8 long term disabilities, chronic pain, and increased mortality and morbidity in refugee settings.9–12 Likewise, low, inconsistent, and ineffective use of modern spacing methods (MSM) of contraceptive has been linked to unplanned pregnancies, risk of abortions and unsafe abortions, maternal, infant and child morbidity and mortality, human immunodeficiency viruses (HIV), sexually transmitted infections (STIs), and obstetric complications as well as high fertility and poverty. Similarly, low economic engagement and/or unemployment of refugee women has proven to cause significant social, economic and health cost.13 Refugee women’s health and well-being are associated with individual, interpersonal, and societal level factors such as their age, education, social norms around fertility, household size, and age at marriage, contraceptive use, decision-making agency, socio-economic conditions, access to and affordability of health services and care, and acculturation in host countries among other factors. This dissertation examines how some of these multi-level factors influence women’s IPV experiences, contraceptive use, and economic engagement in income-generating activities. The first dissertation paper examines the prevalence of lifetime IPV among a sample of 191 health-care seeking women refugees and asylum seekers in Malaysia. Using Bronfenbrenner’s socio-ecological framework and integrated theory of gender and power, I examine multilevel factors associated with lifetime IPV. I also examine the relationship between contraceptive use and lifetime IPV. About one-third (28.30 %) of refugee women reported having experienced lifetime IPV. My hypotheses were partially supported in this study. There were significant associations between marital status, household size, contraceptive use, and food insecurity and lifetime IPV experiences in the bivariate analysis. Age, education, gender-based violence, time spent in Malaysia, and clinic were women were recruited from were not significant in the bivariate analysis. There were no associations between socio-demographic variables like age, education, household size, time spent in Malaysia and the clinic in the unadjusted as well as adjusted models. However, there were significant relationships found between marital status, contraceptive use, and food insecurity and lifetime IPV experiences in the adjusted model. Widowed, separated, and divorced refugee women were significantly more likely to report lifetime IPV experiences relative to women who reported themselves as married at time of survey [OR: 2.56, 95% CI: 1.09, 6.03] compared to women did not report lifetime IPV experience in the adjusted multivariable logistic model, rejecting my hypothesis. Also, in line with my hypothesis, women who reported using permanent methods of contraceptives were significantly more likely to report lifetime IPV experiences than no contraceptive use [0R: 8.70, 95% CI: 1.95, 38.64] compared to women who did not report lifetime IPV experiences in the adjusted multivariable logistic model. In line with my hypothesis, women who reported themselves as being food insecure were more likely to report lifetime IPV experiences than no food insecurity [OR: 0.40, 95% CI: 0.18, 0.89] compared to women who did not report lifetime IPV experiences in the adjusted multivariable logistic model. The second dissertation paper examines the prevalence of types of MSM of contraceptive use (female controlled MSM of contraceptives such as intrauterine devices (IUDs), implants, injectables, oral contraceptives (OC); male involved MSM of contraceptives such as condoms; and no contraceptives) among a sample of 307 married Syrian refugee women in Jordan. Using Bronfenbrenner’s socio-ecological framework and integrated theory of gender and power, I examine multilevel factors associated with MSM of contraceptive use. I also examine the relationship between early marriage and contraceptive use and the relationship between past-year IPV and contraceptive use. About two-fifth (38.44%) of women reported using female controlled MSM (IUDs, injectables, pills, and implants), a little more than one-tenth (11.73%) reported using male involved contraceptives (male condoms), and half of them (49.84%) reported using no contraceptives (includes natural methods and no forms of contraceptive methods). My hypotheses were partially supported in this study. Socio-demographic variables such as age, head of household, and reproductive health care services received in the past six months were significant in the bivariate association between socio-demographic variables and types of MSM of contraceptive use. And early marriage, education, children under the age of five, past-year IPV experience, Syrian governorate, and time in Jordan (acculturation) were not significant in the bivariate analysis. Women who were married prior to the age of 18 years were significantly more likely to report female controlled MSM of contraceptive use than no MSM of contraceptive use at time of survey [RRR: 1.83, 95% CI: 1.07, 3.13] compared to women who were married past 18 years of age in the adjusted multinomial logistic model. Women with children under the age of five were less likely to report male involved MSM of contraceptive use than no MSM of contraceptive use [RRR: 0.32, 95% CI: 0.12, 0.84] compared to women with children older than five years of age in the adjusted multinomial logistic model. Women who reported reproductive health care services received in the past six months were significantly more likely to report female controlled MSM of contraceptive use than no MSM of contraceptive use [RRR: 2.21, 95% CI: 1.98, 3.80] compared to women who reported not receiving reproductive health care services in the past six months in the adjusted multinomial logistic model. Contrary to my hypothesis, women who reported themselves as head of household were less likely to report female controlled MSM of contraceptive use than no MSM of contraceptive use [RRR: 0.40, 95% CI: 0.18, 0.89] compared to women who reported their husbands or family members as head of households in the adjusted multinomial logistic model. No associations between socio-demographic variables like age, education, past-year IPV, Syrian governorate, time spent in Jordan and MSM of contraceptive use in the adjusted multinomial logistic regression model were found. The third dissertation paper examines the prevalence of husbands’ no opposition to wives’ economic activity among a sample of 344 married Syrian refugee women living in non-camp settings in Jordan. Using Bronfenbrenner’s socio-ecological framework and integrated theory of gender and power, I examine multilevel factors associated with husbands’ no opposition to wives’ economic activity. I also examine the association between no lifetime IPV and husbands’ no opposition to wives’ economic activity and the association between head of the households and husbands’ no opposition to wives’ economic activity. I further examine if the relationship between no lifetime IPV and husbands’ no opposition to wives’ economic activity is moderated by women’s agency measured by if they reported themselves as head of the household. About one-third (65.12 %) of women reported husbands’ no opposition to wives’ economic activity. My hypothesis was partially supported in bivariate and multivariable logistical regression analysis. Age, education, previous work experience, head of the household, no lifetime IPV, and time in Jordan were significant in the bivariate analysis between multi-level/socio-demographic variables and husbands’ no opposition to wives’ economic activity. Of the less than half (44.77%) of women who did not experience lifetime IPV, more than one-third (70.8 %) of women reported husbands’ no opposition to wives’ economic activity relative to those who reported lifetime IPV experience (70.78 % versus 29.22 %; P=0.05). Of the more than one-fifth (22.97 %) of women who reported themselves as head of household, more than four-fifth (83.54 %) of women reported husbands’ no opposition to wives’ economic activity relative to those who did not report themselves as head of the households (83.54 % versus 16.46 %; P=0.000). In line with my hypothesis, in unadjusted (OR=1.58 95% confidence interval, CI=1.00-2.48) and adjusted (aOR=1.60, 95% CI=0.98-2.563) models, not experiencing lifetime IPV were associated with increased odds of husbands’ no opposition to wives’ economic activity. Similarly, in both the unadjusted (OR=3.44 95% confidence interval, CI=1.80-6.54) and adjusted (aOR=2.65, 95% CI=1.33-5.29) models, women who reported themselves as head of the households were associated with increased odds of husbands’ no opposition to wives’ economic activity, supporting my hypothesis. Likewise, in both the unadjusted (OR=7.97 95% confidence interval, CI=2.40-26.40) and adjusted (aOR=5.82, 95% CI=1.66-20.40) models, women who reported no IPV experiences as well as who reported themselves as head of the households were associated with increased odds of husbands’ no opposition to wives’ economic activity relative to women who reported lifetime IPV experiences and who did not report themselves as the head of the households, supporting my hypothesis. Age and education were also significant in the adjusted model. These findings affirm that IPV, contraceptive use, and women’s economic engagement are serious health and well-being issues. Results fill in the literature gaps on multilevel factors associated with IPV, contraceptive use, and women’s economic engagement. The first study contributes to the literature on how contraceptive behavior, refugee women’s marital status, and food insecurity, measured as a proxy of poverty influences refugee women’s IPV experiences. The second study contributes to the literature on how marrying at an early age, having children in the households, and receiving reproductive health services influences refugee women’s contraceptive behavior. Third paper contributes to the literature on how refugee women’s lack of IPV experiences and their improved agency/household decision making power influences their economic engagement in the host country. These findings have potential to inform health, sexual and reproductive health, social norms, and economic empowerment interventions. The implications of these findings for social policy, practice, and future research for each paper are discussed in relevant sections as well as in the conclusion section.

Many American farmers have faced financial stress in the early 1980s unprecedented since the Depression. Simultaneously, farm wives have joined the off-farm labor market at rates exceeding urban women. Since prior research has found different correlates of family functioning and of external employment for rural and urban families, this descriptive study of Virginia farm wives (N = 128) investigated the impact of farm wives' external employment on the functioning of the farm and the farm family. While the sample did not represent the total Virginia farm population, it did appear to represent the financially stressed farm population. A comparison of employed farm wives (E = 57) and non-employed wives (N = 71) was analyzed to determine differences. Dependent variables affecting farm functioning included the farm's debt-to-asset ratio indicating the financial _ stress level, the wife's mental strain due to economic pressures, and lifestyle satisfaction. Dependent variables affecting family functioning were the wife's marital adjustment, psychological well being, and overall life satisfaction. The results indicated that the wife's external employment had a significantly negative impact on farm functioning. Wives working off the farm were more likely to come from farms with greater financial stress and were less satisfied with the equity factor of their lifestyle satisfaction. While mental strain was not significantly higher, more than one-third of employed wives experienced high mental strain. A significantly negative impact on family functioning was not found although employed farm wives reported lower marital adjustment and overall life satisfaction with proportionately fewer employed farm wives than nonemployed wives reporting positive psychological well-being. / Master of Science

Mohinani, Nimishaa. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 33-42). / Abstract also in Chinese. / Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction --- p.1 / work-family conflict --- p.1 / Social support and work-family conflict --- p.2 / Outcome variables --- p.4 / Child status --- p.7 / Cultural component --- p.7 / Chapter Chapter 2: --- Method --- p.13 / Participants --- p.13 / Measures --- p.13 / Data analysis --- p.15 / Chapter Chapter 3: --- Results --- p.17 / WFC and outcome variables --- p.17 / Moderating impact of culture --- p.17 / "Ethnicity, child status and levels social support" --- p.24 / Chapter Chapter 4: --- Discussion --- p.27 / References --- p.33 / Footnotes --- p.43

Social support has been shown to lessen the negative effects of life stress on psychological and physical health. The stress buffering model and the main effects model of social support were compared using two samples of women over the age of 50 who were either married or recently widowed. These two groups represent low and high uncontrollable major life stress respectively. Other life stress events were also taken into account. Measures assessed current level of life stress, perceived social support, satisfaction with social support, and psychological symptomatology. Results using overall psychological health as the dependent variable support the main effects model.