Thesis (M.A. (Media Studies)) -- University of Limpopo, 2020 / The 21st century has been characterised by a growth in community radio (CR) programming for development and gender awareness sensitisation campaigns. Many radio programmes and documentaries feature issues that deal with gender and diversity issues. However, most are excessively packaged with content that depicts stereotypes and lack sensitivity. This study explores how CR covers and presents gender in the production and construction of programmes and news. It also offers basic strategies on how to produce gender sensitive programming. Furthermore, the study assessed the knowledge and attitudes of CR volunteers on gender mainstreaming as a concept. A mixed methods research paradigm combining both qualitative and quantitative methods was applied in this study. The review of literature involved an extensive analysis of gender reporting in the media and CR. Data was collected using questionnaires, focus group interviews, personal interviews and archival material. A transformation model was utilised for data interpretation and analysis. Study findings show that CRs do not adequately cover gender issues, portray gender in stereotypical norms, and the majority of volunteers have a negative attitude towards gender mainstreaming. The study endorsed formal gender training and the diversification of views as a primary solution to addressing gender disparity in the media. Keywords: Gender, gender mainstreaming, Community radio, programming

La manipulation ethnique est devenue une réalité en Guinée, à l’instar de plusieurs pays africains. Elle atteint son apothéose en 2010, lors de la campagne présidentielle. Le tout ethnique est alors la chose la mieux partagée par les acteurs politiques qui instrumentalisent des appartenances objectives dans le seul but de mobiliser la communauté d’origine. L’ethnicité est manipulée à des fins clientélistes par les leaders politiques soutenus par des cortes de mercenaires et la complicité de « flibustiers » de l’information.Cette thèse de doctorat en Science de l’information et de la communication analyse la construction médiatique de l’ethnicité par les politiques dans les médias et plus particulièrement sur les sites d’information. Le document est divisé en deux parties.La première partie, théorique, est consacrée aux différents courants recherches et ayant trait à notre champ d’étude. Elle vise à ressaisir et préciser les concepts d’ethnicité et de diversité culturelle dans le jeu de la mondialisation. Ce qui nous a permis d’interroger la menace que la mondialisation fait peser sur la diversité culturelle, notamment d’aborder le rapport offre et besoin d’information, l’effets des médias, l’échange inégal dans le cadre du nouvel ordre mondial de l’information et de la communication (NOMIC). Elle a permis de circonscrire notre sujet et notre problématique de recherche à savoir comment les hommes politiques utilisent les médias pour instrumentaliser le concept de l’ethnicité?La seconde partie, empirique, rend compte d’une enquête de terrain portant sur les sites d’information. Elle s’appuie sur une méthodologie d’analyse de compte rendus d’entretiens qualitatifs et d’articles de presse à l’aide du modèle de Lasswell, actanciel, et au moyen de l’utilisation du logiciel Tropes. À partir de l’étude du corpus portant sur l’actualité médiatique durant les campagnes électorales de 2010 à 2015, nous avons pu faire ressortir les grands axes du discours sur l’ethnicité et la problématique ethnique pour les situé au coeur des mutations sociologiques de la société guinéenne. Ces méthodes nous ont permis d’appréhender l’instrumentalisation de l’ethnicité en Guinée, le traitement médiatique dont elle fait l’objet, ainsi que les prises de positions tant politiques qu’idéologiques des sites d’information.Au final, cette recherche esquisse des propositions visant à sortir du piège ethnique en Guinée et à reconstruire la citoyenneté. Elle pourrait être utile pour les ONG spécialisées dans la prévention des conflits dans le monde, pour les chercheurs qui traiteront la question de l’ethnicité. Enfin elle pourra apporter sa pierre à l’édifice de la compréhension comme à l’orientation des débats concernant les rapports entre sciences sociales et sciences de l’information et de la communication / Following the example of several African countries, the ethnic manipulation became a sad reality in Guinea. But, we can say the highlight of this manipulation sees its fullfillment in 2010, during the presidential election campaign. The quite ethnic was then the thing the best shared by the political actors who instrumented objective memberships in the only purpose to mobilize the community of origin: the clientelism to which resort the various political parties is then for its peak. It is therefore a question good political ethnicity supported by the mercenaries’ politics with complicity of the « pirates » of the information.So this doctoral thesis in Science of information and communication analyzes the media construction of the ethnicity by the politics in the media and more particularly on the sites of information. The organization of this thesis is based on two parts. The first, theoretical part is dedicated to the various speculative searches and to the currents concerning our field of study. Second, empirical, is of an investigation ground. It leaned on a methodology to know the analysis of articles of sites of information through the model of Lasswell, actenciel, the use of software tropes having for objective essential to seize the contents of articles and qualitative interviews. Besides, in our study of corpus concerning current events during election campaigns from 2010 till 2015, we were able to highlight interesting results basing on the software tropes and our analysis of speech and contents. These results offer a complete vision of the sociological transformations in guinean society carrying at the heart of current events the ethnic problem in Guinea.These methods allowed us to grasp the intrumentalisation of the ethnicity in Guinean society, the media treatment of which it is the object, as well as stands so political as ideological of the sites of information.

A research report submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Art in International relations, 2017 / This research project investigates public opinions about South African mall robberies discussed on Twitter. Using the principles of discourse and multimodal analysis, it provides critical insights constructed from the represented narratives of select, proposed middle-class consumers illustrating distinct sentiments about malls, crime and shopping. Malls are empirical objects that have been trivialised as ordinary and mundane consumer sites, devoid of any sociological significance embedded within the daily practices of shopping. This paper makes the argument that when contested by criminal activity, malls become valuable sites for critical enquiry towards gaining a deeper understanding of what these shopping attitudes mean within a post-apartheid, South African consumer landscape. The central issue of crime threatening public safety at malls diverges into an array of thematic discussions, revealing distinct indoctrinations surrounding apartheid’s iniquitous system of racial and social engineering. This study’s principle argument makes the claim that anxieties concerning public safety are only the tip of the iceberg, and this serves as an entry point into a discourse contesting exclusive shopping rights above constitutional equality for all. The test tube of mall robberies mixes desirable pleasures and humanitarian moralities together and creates a volatile cocktail of conflicting, consumer aspirations. In short, the public discourse of mall crimes is about maintaining self-entitled spaces of exclusivity within a desperate socioeconomic climate. This study concludes with questions and considerations raised by these authors which could springboard into opportunities for future inquiry. / XL2018

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In this study I analyse the first year of publication of Loslyf, the first and, at the time of its launch in June 1995, only Afrikaans pornographic magazine. The analysis comprises a historical account of its inception as relayed mainly by Ryk Hattingh, the first editor of Loslyf and primary creative force behind the publication. Such an investigation offers valuable insights into an aspect of South African media history as yet undocumented. As a powerful contributor to an Afrikaans imaginary, emerging at a time of political renewal, Loslyf provides a glimpse into the desires, tensions and tastes of and for an imagined community potentially still shaped by a censorial past. The magazine is worth studying, in part, as an example of an attempt at reinvesting the prescriptive and seemingly generic genre of pornography with cultural specificity and political content, with a view to making it more interesting and relevant. The study argues that whilst Loslyf succeeded in fracturing the “simulacrum” (Baudrillard 1990: 35) of pornographic representation, it also demonstrated that this kind of „alternativity‟ is difficult to sustain. An analysis of the written and visual content of the first 12 issues of the magazine, under Hattingh‟s editorship, investigates the basis of Loslyf‟s status as „alternative‟ publication. I conclude that the first year of Loslyf contributed towards the broader project of democratic expression in an expanding South African visual economy, as a simultaneously well considered and underrated (at the time of its publication at least) cultural product. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie studie analiseer ek die eerste jaar van publikasie van Loslyf as 'n baanbrekende en, in die tyd van sy ontstaan in Junie 1995, die enigste Afrikaanse pornografiese tydskrif. Hierdie analise behels ʼn historiese oorsig van die ontstaan van Loslyf soos hoofsaaklik verhaal deur Ryk Hattingh, die eerste redakteur van Loslyf en primêre kreatiewe mag agter die publikasie. So ʼn ondersoek bied waardevolle insig tot ʼn ongedokumenteerde aspek van Suid-Afrikaanse mediageskiedenis. As ʼn kultuurproduk wat ʼn kragtige bydrae gelewer het tot die Afrikaanse samelewing in ʼn tyd van politieke hernuwing, bied Loslyf ʼn weerkaatsing van die begeertes, spanninge en smake vir en van hierdie gemeenskap – begeertes en smake wat grootendeels gevorm is deur ʼn geskiedenis van sensuur. Dit is waardevol om die tydskrif te bestudeer as voorbeeld van 'n poging om die voorskriftelike en skynbaar generiese pornografiese genre met kulturele bepaaldheid en politiese inhoud te herbelê, ten einde hierdie genre meer interessant en relevant te maak. Hierdie studie beweer dat, terwyl Loslyf daarin slaag om die “simulakrum” (Baudrillard 1990: 35) van pornografiese voorstelling te breek, die publikasie ook demonstreer dat hierdie tipe „alternatiwiteit‟ moeilik volhoubaar is. ʼn Analise van die geskrewe en visuele inhoud van die eerste 12 uitgawes van die tydskrif, onder redakteurskap van Hattingh, ondersoek die basis van Loslyf se status as „alternatiewe‟ publikasie. Ek beslis dat Loslyf se eerste jaar bygedra het tot die breër inisiatief van demokratiese uitdrukking in ʼn ontwikkelende Suid- Afrikaanse visuele ekonomie, as gelyktydig goed deurdagte én ondergeskatte (veral ten tyde van sy ontstaan) publikasie.

South Africa has long been associated with racial and ethnic issues surrounding prejudice and discrimination and despite a move post-1994 to a democratic ‘rainbow nation’ society, the country has remained plagued by unequal power relations. One such instance of inequality relates to the marginalisation of migrants which has been realised through xenophobic attitudes and actions, most notably the violence that swept across the country in 2008. Several reasons have been suggested in an attempt to explain the cause of the violence, including claims that migrants are taking ‘our jobs and our women’, migrants are ‘illegal and criminal’ and bringing ‘disease and contamination’ with them from their countries of origin. Although widely accepted that many, if not all, of these beliefs are based on ignorance and hearsay, these extensive generalisations shape and reinforce prejudiced ideologies about migrant communities. It is thus only when confronted with evidence that challenges this dominant discourse, that South Africans are able to reconsider their views. Williams (2008) suggests that for many South Africans, Africa continues to be the ‘dark continent’ that is seen as an ominous, threatening force of which they have very little knowledge. For this reason, anti-immigrant sentiment in a South African context has traditionally been directed at African foreigners. In this study I examine the ways in which African migrants and migrant communities, as well as the overall processes of migration, are depicted by selected South African print media: City Press, Mail & Guardian and Sunday Times. Using a combined Corpus Linguistics and Critical Discourse Analysis approach, I investigate the following questions: How are migrants and the process of migration into South Africa represented by these established newspapers between 2006 and 2010? Are there any differences or similarities between these representations? In particular, what ideologies regarding migrants and migrant communities underlie these representations? My analysis focuses on the landscape of public discourse about migration with an exploration of the rise and fall of the terminologies used to categorise migrants and the social implications of these classifications. Additionally, I analyse the expansive occurrences of negative representations of migrants, particularly through the use of ‘othering’ pronouns ‘us’ versus ‘them’ and through the use of metaphorical language which largely depicts these individuals as en masse natural disasters. I conclude that these discursive elements play a crucial role in contributing to an overall xenophobic rhetoric. Despite subtle differences between the three newspapers which can be accounted for based on their political persuasions and agendas, it is surprising to note how aligned these publications are with regard to their portrayal of migrants. With a few exceptions, this representation positions these individuals as powerless and disenfranchised and maintains the status quo view of migrants as burdens on the South African economy and resources. Overall, the newspaper articles contribute to mainstream dominant discourse on migrants and migration with the underlying ideology that migrants are responsible for the hardships suffered by South African citizens. Thus, this study contributes significantly to existing bodies of research detailing discourse on migrants and emphasises the intrinsic links between language, ideology and society.

This study was conducted to identify and analyse Mail and Guardian Online moderation outputs which contradicted the platform‟s own stated policy on hate speech and other forms of problematic speech. The moderation outputs considered were a battery of readers‟ comments that were posted in response to Thought Leader blogs on xenophobia published between May and June, 2008. This was the same period a series of xenophobic attacks was taking place in some parts of South Africa, leaving an estimated 62 people dead, more than 30,000 displaced, and countless victims injured and robbed of their property. The attacks were a catalytic moment that enabled a whole range of discursive positions to be articulated, defended, contested and given form in the media. They also made visible the potential tensions between free speech on the one hand, and hate and other problematic speech on the other. Using qualitative methods of thematic content analysis, document review, individual interviews, and an eclectic approach of framing analysis and rhetorical argumentation, this study found instances of divergence between the M&G policy and practice on User Generated Content. It found that some moderator-approved content advocated hate, hatred, hostility, incitement to violence and/or harm, and unfair discrimination against foreign residents, contrary to the M&G policy which is informed by the constitutional provisions in both section 16 of the Bill of Rights and section 10 of the Equality Act. Based on examples in the readers‟ comments of how „the foreigner‟ was made to signify unemployment, poverty, disease, unfair competition, and all manner of deprivation, and bearing in mind how such individuals have also become a site for the violent convergence of different unresolved tensions in the country, the study‟s findings argue that the M&G – a progressive paper dealing with a potentially xenophobic readership (at least a portion of it) – should have implemented its policy on acceptable speech more effectively. The study also argues that the unjustifiable reference to foreigners as makwerekwere, illegals, illegal aliens, parasites, invaders and border jumpers, among other terms, assigned them a diminished place – that of unwanted foreigner – thereby reproducing the order of discourse that utilises nationality as a space for the expurgation of the „other‟. The study argues that the use of bogus (inflated) immigration statistics and repeated reference to the foreigners‟ supposedly parasitic relationship to the country‟s resources also unfairly constructed them as the „threatening other‟ and potentially justified action against them.

We live in the era in which the internet is now available on the majority of mobile phones at a very cheaper rate. This advancement in technology has created a boom in the use of mobile phone social networking as a primary communication tool - not only for individuals but also commonly used by professionals in most fields. The trends and growing usage of social networking via mobile phone indicate a potentially effective new platform for increasing production especially in agricultural sectors. In this age of information technology, farming communities can be empowered with the latest information and knowledge through mobile phone social networking to enhance agricultural development. The study investigates the use of mobile phone social networking as an extension tool in small-scale (emerging) farmers in selected farming communities in the Cacadu District Municipality of the Eastern Cape of South Africa. Specifically, the study investigates the use of available mobile phone social networks; what they are used for; and the importance and benefits of social networking both generally and to the farming communities. The study further identifies problems inhibiting the use of mobile phone social networking. Other channels through which the small-scale (emerging) farmers acquire agricultural information, aside from via mobile phone, and the type of agricultural information these farmers acquire, are also investigated. This study focuses on the use - and not the testing or adoption of - mobile phone social networking in small-scale (emerging) agriculture. In the exercise to investigate the use of social networking apps via mobile phone, data was collected from 40 small-scale (emerging) farmers using a purposive sampling method. This study used a survey design, exploratory and descriptive research methodologies. Data was captured by administering a questionnaire through personal face-to-face interviews. Descriptive statistics such as simple frequency tables, percentages and bar graphs were used. From the Chi-square testing, it was found that agricultural knowledge levels, internet access and size of production farm land influence the use of social networking by the small-scale (emerging) farmers. However, the result of this study showed that gender, age, other income and educational level of the small-scale (emerging) farmers are not statistically significant determinants of social networking use. Cronbach’s alpha coefficient was found to be 0.95. To establish the strength of associations of the variables, Cramer’s V ranging between 0.04 and 0.9 (signifying relationships from negligible to very strong association) was used. The findings showed that different social networks are used by the farming communities, such as WhatsApp, Facebook, and Blackberry messenger, MXit, Twitter and YouTube. The various uses of these social networks by the farmers are discussed. The benefits and problems inhibiting their use are also outlined. Other sources of acquiring agricultural information by the farmers aside from social networking via mobile phone are examined. The result of the study shows that [agricultural extension officers, other farmers, farmers’ discussion groups, friends and family,] are major sources of agricultural information to the small-scale (emerging) farmers while other sources are television, radio, print media and result demonstrations. The study suggests that to enhance mobile phone social networking to ensure that timely and effective agricultural information is readily accessible to the small-scale (emerging) farmers. These include agricultural extension officers making optimal use of social networking via mobile phone, due to the strong interaction and trust between them and the farmers. This interaction can be instrumental in the effective use of this technology as a resourceful medium for accessing agricultural information to enhance productivity. Proper awareness and understanding of the potential and benefits of mobile social networking by the farmers will motivate the small-scale (emerging) farmers to use the technology for effective agricultural purposes. Also, ensuring the availability of agricultural information to small-scale (emerging) farmers by setting up on-line pages or websites to discuss matters of interest and educate and update farmers on agricultural issues should be encouraged. This may attract the younger generation and the youth to participate fully in agricultural activities - thereby enhancing agricultural development.

[Introduction] An investigation of relevant literature reveals numerous studies on the principles of effective advertising communications. These studies are based on work done overseas and may not apply to Blacks in South Africa. Pioneer advertising research into the Black market has been conducted in recent years by the University of South Africa's Bureau of Market Research (BM). The resultant data obtained indicated that communicating to the Black market should be treated separately from communicating to Whites in South Africa and further research is required on the effectiveness of advertising communications aimed at Blacks. This study was designed to supplement the research conducted by the Bureau of Market Research rather than to validate these findings.

Title in English and Afrikaans / Communication Science / D.Litt. et Phil. (Communication Science)