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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study focuses on the phenomenon of obligatory reflexivity in the Bantu language Lomwe-Mihavani (referred to as “Mihavani”). The aim of the study is to develop an analysis of this phenomenon in Mihavani within the broad framework of Minimalist Syntax, and more specifically within the framework of the Nominal Shell Analysis of obligatory reflexivity (NSA) proposed by Oosthuizen (2013). In order to achieve this aim, the study firstly provides a non-formalistic description of the reflexive elements in Mihavani, namely the reflexive marker -ii- and the reflexive pronoun -eekha-/-eekhi- (“self”), and also of five of the constructions in which they can occur, namely verbal object, small clause, infinitival, expletive and prepositional object constructions. Based on the subsequent analyses of verbal object constructions and (verbal and nominal) infinitival constructions, it is argued that the core hypotheses of the NSA, which were initially proposed for the West-Germanic language Afrikaans, hold for Mihavani as well. The coreferential relationship between, on the one hand, the reflexive marker -ii- or a reflexive pronoun and, on the other hand, its antecedent is claimed to be the result of phi-feature valuation of the reflexive by its antecedent when this antecedent is merged into the specifier position of an identity focus light noun n, the locus of the reflexive marker -ii-. In contrast to previous analyses of reflexivity, the NSA provides a structural account for the coreferential relationship between a reflexive element and its antecedent, which means that lexical features, such as [±anaphor] and [±pronominal], as well as external binding mechanisms, can be dispensed with. It is furthermore argued that the NSA can also account for the coreferential relationship between the subject and the subject marker and the object and the object marker in Mihavani, due to phi-feature valuation inside a nominal shell. It is claimed that the subject marker heads a theme focus nominal shell and selects an overt or covert subject complement, whereas the object marker heads a presentational focus nominal shell and selects an overt or covert object complement. It is also argued that the NSA can account for the interpretation of infinitival nominal constructions (i) containing the reflexive marker -ii- as “oneself” and (ii) containing both the reflexive maker -ii- and a reflexive pronoun as coreferential with either the subject or object of the matrix clause. Based on the NSA, the internal structure of the Mihavani reflexive pronoun is analysed as an identity focus nominal shell as well, headed by the stem -eekha-/-eekhi- (“self”). Such an analysis might provide an explanation for Mihavani obligatorily reflexive constructions, which lack the reflexive marker -ii- but contain a reflexive pronoun. This issue is left as a topic for further investigation. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie fokus op die verskynsel van verpligte refleksiwiteit in die Bantoetaal Lomwe-Mihavami (kortweg, “Mihavami”). Die oogmerk van die studie is om ’n analise van hierdie verskynsel in Mihavami te ontwikkel binne die breë raamwerk van Minimalistiese Sintaksis, en meer spesifiek binne die raamwerk van die Nominale Skulp-analise van verpligte refleksiwiteit (NSA) soos voorgestel deur Oosthuizen (2013). Om hierdie oogmerk te bereik, word daar eerstens ’n nie-formalistiese beskrywing gebied van die refleksiewe elemente in Mihavani, naamlik die refleksiefmerker -ii- en die refleksiewe voornaamwoord -eekha-/-eekhi- (“self”), asook van vyf konstruksies waarbinne hulle kan voorkom, naamlik verbale-objekkonstruksies, beknopte-sinkonstruksies, infinitiefkonstruksies, ekspletief-konstruksies en preposisionele-objekkonstruksies. Op basis van die daaropvolgende analises van verbale-objekkonstruksies en (verbale en nominale) infinitiefkonstruksies word daar geargumenteer dat die kernhipoteses van die NSA, wat aanvanklik voorgestel is vir Afrikaans, ’n Wes-Germaanse taal, ook vir Mihavani geld. Daar word aangevoer dat die koreferensiële verhouding tussen, enersyds, die refleksiefmerker -ii- of ’n refleksiewe voornaamwoord en, andersyds, sy antesedent die gevolg is van phi-kenmerkwaardering van die refleksiewe element deur sy antesedent wanneer die antesedent saamgevoeg is in die spesifiseerderposisie van ’n identiteitsfokus-ligte naamwoord n , die lokus van die refleksiefmerker -ii-. In teenstelling met vorige analises van refleksiwiteit, bied die NSA ’n strukturele verklaring van die koreferensiële verhouding tussen ’n refleksiewe element en sy antesedent, wat beteken dat daar geen noodsaak is vir leksikale kenmerke, soos [±anafoor] en [±pronominaal], en eksterne bindingsmeganismes nie. Daar word verder geargumenteer dat die NSA, op grond van phi-kenmerkwaardering binne ’n nominale skulp, ook ’n verklaring kan bied vir die koreferensiële verhouding tussen die subjek en die subjekmerker en die objek en die objekmerker in Mihavani. Daar word aangevoer dat die subjekmerker die hoof van ’n temafokus nominale skulp vorm en ’n overte of koverte subjekkomplement selekteer; die objekmerker, daarenteen, vorm die hoof van ‘n presentasiefokus nominale skulp en selekteer ’n overte of koverte objekkomplement. Daar word ook geargumenteer dat die NSA ’n verklaring kan bied vir die interpretasie van infinitiewe nominale konstruksies wat (i) die refleksiefmerker -ii- bevat met die betekenis “jouself, sigself” en (ii) sowel die refleksiefmerker -ii- en ’n refleksiewe voornaamwoord bevat waar beide koreferensieel is aan óf die subjek óf die objek van die matrikssin. Op basis van die NSA, word die interne struktuur van die refleksiewe voornaamwoord in Mihavani ook geanaliseer as ’n nominale skulp, een met die stam -eekha-/-eekhi- (“self”) as hoof. So ’n analise sou ’n verklaring kon bied vir verplig-refleksiewe konstruksies in Mihavani waarin die refleksiefmerker -ii- ontbreek maar waarin ’n refleksiewe voornaamwoord wel voorkom. Hierdie kwessie word gelaat as ’n onderwerp vir verdere ondersoek.

Thesis (MA (General Linguistics))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / This study focuses on the internal structure of the CP in Afrikaans. Rizzi’s (1997) Split-CP Hypothesis serves as the starting-point; however, careful consideration is also given to the more recent proposals of Beninca’ and Poletto (2004). The aim of the study is to determine whether the proposals of Rizzi (1997) and Beninca’ and Poletto (2004) provide an adequate framework for the description of the CP-domain in Afrikaans. The study is presented within the theoretical framework of Minimalist Syntax. Specific adaptations to the Split-CP Hypothesis are suggested throughout the course of the discussion in an attempt to make the Split-CP Hypothesis compatible with the facts of Afrikaans. Finally, attention is also given to three problematic issues in Afrikaans that require further investigation.

Diese Dissertation untersucht die Syntax nichtkanonischer Subjekte und Subjektpositionen - insbesondere zwei Phänomene: Lokativinversion (LI) in Englisch, Französisch, Italienisch und Hebräisch; und Verbdrittverletzungen der Verbzweitregel (V2) in Kiezdeutsch - eine urbane Kontaktvarietät des Deutschen. In LI besetzt eine Lokativ-XP die präverbale Stelle, aber das kanonische DP-Subjekt in Nominativ taucht postverbal auf. Sprachübergreifend vergleiche ich a) die Verteilung unterschiedlicher Null- und overten Argumente in LI und b) die Verfügbarkeit von LI in Matrix- und Nebensätzen. Die zweite Fallstudie befasst sich mit kiezdeutschen V2-Verletzungen, denn sie folgen einer regelmäßigen Reihenfolge: [Rahmensetzer > Subjekt > finites Verb]; dies ist bemerkenswert aufgrund der Verletzung der ansonsten strengen Verbzweitregel und auch, weil es auf die Innovation einer Art Subjektposition hindeutet, die im Standarddeutschen fehlt. Anhand einer Korpusstudie komme ich zu der Erkenntnis, dass die scheinbare Subjektvoraussetzung auch für resumptive V3-Dislozierungsphänomene gilt. Dennoch wird gezeigt, dass die Subjektvoraussetzung mit dem nominativischen DP-Subjekten verbundenen EPP nicht ganz übereinstimmt. Ich entwickele eine Theorie von Subjektvoraussetzungen, die sowohl die Breite der untersuchten Variation in LI als auch die An/Abwesenheit von Subjektvorausetzungen im Vorfeld bei V3-Sätzen im Standarddeutschen und Kiezdeutschen erklären kann. Schließlich lassen sich diese Phänomene durch unterschiedliche Verteilungen und Vererbungsoperationen von D-, ϕ- und informationsstrukturellen δ-Merkmalen (cf. Miyagawa 2017) zwischen dem Phasenkopf C und T erklären. Die Anwesenheit nichtkanonischer Subjekte in LI und kanonischer Subjekte in einer nichtkanonischen Subjektposition im Kiezdeutschen werden durch Variation in der Verteilung eines für das Prädikatssubjekt spezifizierten δ-Merkmal abgeleitet. Dieses Merkmal ist aber unabhänging von den üblichen EPP-Voraussetzungen. / This dissertation addresses syntactic structures involving non-canonical subjects and non-canonical subject positions, investigating two phenomena: Locative Inversion (LI) in English, French, Italian, and Hebrew; and verb-third violations of the verb-second (V2) rule in Kiezdeutsch, an urban contact variety of German. In LI a spatio-deictic XP appears in the preverbal canonical subject position, while the canonical nominative subject DP surfaces postverbally. I compare the distribution of different covert and overt arguments participating in LI and the availability of LI in embedded and matrix contexts crosslinguistically. The second case study concentrates on Kiezdeutsch V2 violations, as they follow a regular order of [frame-setting adverb > Subject > finite verb]; this is remarkable because it both violates an otherwise strict V2 requirement and also indicates the innovation of a subject position lacking in Standard German. I carry out a corpus study and find that an apparent subject requirement extends to other verb-third resumptive-dislocation phenomena, yet we cannot understand this requirement in the sense of an EPP position associated with nominative DP subjects. From a theoretical perspective, this dissertation develops a theory of subject requirements capable of accounting for the breadth of investigated crosslinguistic variation in LI and the presence or absence of a high clausal subject requirement in Kiezdeutsch V2-violations and more standard varieties of German. Ultimately, I make use of finite differences across C and T in the distribution of D, ϕ, and discourse-related δ-features (cf. Miyagawa 2017) via different inheritance options from the phase head. The presence of non-canonical subjects in LI and the presence of canonical subjects in a seemingly non-canonical subject position in Kiezdeutsch are both derivable via variation in the placement of a δ-feature with a specification for Subject of Predication orthogonal to typical EPP requirements.