This dissertation is an extended argument for the syntactic structure proposed in (1), referred to as the 'VICTR Hierarchy' after the initials of the five functional heads it comprises: (1) [VolitionP Volition [InitiationP Initiation [ConsecutionP Consecution [TransitionP Transition [ResultP Result [VP ] ] ] ] ] ] The VICTR Hierarchy is a hierarchy of functional heads corresponding to the part of the clause generally known in the minimalist literature as `vP' or the `thematic domain'. Nominal arguments are merged in the specifiers of one or more of these heads and receive their thematic interpretations on the basis of their merged positions. Evidence for a model of thematic roles and syntactic argument structure based in the VICTR Hierarchy is presented for a range of domains, with a focus on 'split intransitivity'. Split intransitivity is explored initially in regard to English, with close consideration of a range of split intransitive diagnostics (e.g. 'out'-prefixation, the resultative construction); a VICTR account of these patterns is presented. A VICTR account of auxiliary selection patterns in Western European languages is also given. This is followed by analysis of split intransitive case and agreement systems. A formal account of the case and agreement patterns in these languages based in the VICTR hierarchy is presented, derived in part from the inherent case theory of ergativity (Legate 2002, Aldridge 2004 and others) and drawing on a detailed typology. The dissertation then proceeds to detailed analysis of the semantic basis of split intransitive alignment in two languages, Basque and Georgian. Other split intransitive behaviours in these languages are also considered in VICTR terms. Throughout, the VICTR approach is compared to other approaches to split intransitivity following Perlmutter's (1978) Unaccusative Hypothesis. The VICTR Hierarchy is also compared to the similar proposal of Ramchand (2008). It is argued that the VICTR Hierarchy accounts more readily than these other approaches for the particular classes of verbs identified by split intransitivity diagnostics in the languages considered, and also for cross-linguistic variation in split intransitive behaviours. Much support, with some caveats, is also found in the data considered for the applicability of Sorace's (2000) Auxiliary Selection Hierarchy (ASH) to a range of split intransitive phenomena cross-linguistically. Together with acquisitional considerations, the VICTR features are argued to allow for a formalisation of the patterns described by the ASH.

Cette thèse se veut une contribution empirique et théorique à l’étude formelle du système verbal vietnamien. Elle se centre plus précisément autour de la problématique de l’inaccusativité et des alternances diathétiques dans cette langue. Elle se propose à cet effet d’examiner de plus près le rôle que joue le marqueur polyfonctionnel bị au sein des constructions à prédicat intransitif. Il sera montré que bị est compatible avec les verbes inaccusatifs et ne se combine avec les verbes inergatifs que si ces derniers sont inaccusativisés à l’aide de matériel lexical approprié. L’hypothèse défendue, qui s’inscrit dans le cadre du Programme Minimaliste de Chomsky (1995 et travaux subséquents), consiste à traiter ce morphème comme une catégorie semi-lexicale/semi-fonctionnelle et comme la tête d’une projection Applicative Haute, située immédiatement au-dessus du vP. Du point de vue sémantique, bị dénote une relation entre un individu et un événement. Il sera établi que bị peut être une tête de Phase ou une tête non-phasale. L’examen d’une sous-classe de prédicats statifs, ceux qui dénotent des états permanents, suggère une réévaluation du rôle de l’Aspect Lexical (Aktionsart) dans le calcul de l’inaccusativité. L’analyse avancée permet non seulement de rendre compte des phrases traditionnellement classées comme des constructions passives, mais aussi d’expliquer l’incompatibilité entre bị et les constructions moyennes. Il sera proposé que cette incompatibilité est due à l’absence d’une projection aspectuelle interne au vP, projection qui accueille dans son Spécificateur des Causateurs Involontaires. On soutiendra également que la marge du vP est exploitable à des fins discursives, ce qui renforce davantage le parallélisme entre CP et vP. / This thesis constitutes an empirical and theoretical contribution to the formal study of the Vietnamese verbal system. More precisely, it concentrates on issues of unaccusativity and diathetical alternations in this language. To this end, it puts under close scrutiny the key role played by the polyfunctional marker bị within intransitive predicate constructions. It will be shown that bị is compatible with unaccusative verbs and can combine with unergative ones only if those verbs undergo unaccusativization when provided with suitable lexical material. The hypothesis put forward, which is couched within the framework of Chomsky’s The Minimalist Program (1995 et seq.), treats this morpheme as a semi-lexical/semi-functional category and as the head of a High Applicative projection, situated immediately above vP. From a semantic point of view, bị denotes a relationship between an individual and an eventuality. It will be established that bị can be a Phase-head or a non-phasal one. A closer inspection of a subclass of stative predicates, those which denote permanent states, suggests a reassessment of the role played by Inner Aspect (Aktionsart) in the calculus of unaccusativity. The analysis proposed not only accounts for sentences that are traditionally classified as passive constructions, but it also gives an explanation for the incompatibility between bị and some middle constructions. Furthermore, it will be put forward that this type of incompatibility is due to the absence of a vP-internal aspectual projection which hosts in its Specifier an Inadvertent/Unintentional Causer DP. It will also be claimed that the vP-edge is active for discursive purposes, which reinforces the parallelism between CP Phase and vP Phase.

Text in Afrikaans / Twee sentrale probleme word hier ondersoek, naamlik die daarstelling van 'n teoreties adekwate model om leksikale valensie te verreken en die problematiek rondom die beskrywing van Afrikaanse bewegingswerkwoorde. Die vertrekpunt is dat 'n teorie van UG lesikale valensie slegs ten dele verreken. So 'n teorie is gemoeid met die vorm van 'n konstruksie wat op LF-vlak leesbaar is. Gevolglik beskryf 'n teorie van UG valensie net in universele sintakties-kategoriale terme. In hierdie studie word die semantiese en pragmatiese komponente van 'n valensieteorie derhalwe uitgebou sodat daar 'n duideliker begrip verkry kan word van die wisselwerking tussen alle veranderlikes van valensie op 'n taalspesifieke LF-vlak. 'n Valensieteorie word op eklektiese wyse saamgestel uit verskeie ander teoriee. Die apparaat om die sintaktiese komponent van 'n valensieteorie te beskryf, word aan TGGmodelle ontleen. Die semantiese komponent van die teorie word aangevul vanuit die Konseptuele Semantiek en die pragmatiese komponent daarvan vanui t kogni ti ewe grammatikamodelle. Die interaksie tussen hierdie komponente word verreken deur teoriee van leksikalisasie, korrespondensiereels en die passing tussen konstruksies en leksikale items. Die ontleding van Afrikaanse bewegingswerkwoorde spesif iseer die omvattender anali tiese apparaat wat nodig is vir die verrekening van valensie verby die punt waarvoor 'n teorie van UG voorsiening maak. Dit blyk uit hierdie analise dat die valensie van die kategorie in 'n aantal valensieraambeskrywings vir die aparte subklasse saamgevat kan word. 'n Duidelike beeld van die universele en taalspesifiekidiosinkratiese aspekte van hierdie kategorie kan in terme van hierdie valensierame aangetoon word. 'n Verdere hipotese (die onakkusatiwiteithipotese) is dat die sintaktiese verspreiding van werkwoorde ui t hulle semantiek voorspel kan word. Hierdie hipotese word getoets aan die empiriese data van Afrikaanse bewegingswerkwoorde. Hierdie bewegingswerkwoorde word in groepe geklassifiseer na gelang van ooreenstemmende semanties-pragmatiese kenmerke. Daar word getoon dat bewegingswerkwoorde met dieself de semantiespragmatiese kenmerke dieselfde valensierame het. Valensierame is daarom op sistematiese wyse uit semanties-pragmatiese kenmerke afleibaar. Sekere fasette van valensierame word egter ook bepaal deur konvensies soos profilering, en deur bereelde interaksie met 'n basiese konstruksie se argumentstruktuur. / This thesis focuses on the development of a theoretically adequate model to account for lexical valence and to provide the detail for such a model by means of an analysis of Afrikaans verbs of motion. The thesis is a response to a theory of UG which inadequately accounts for lexical valence. A theory of UG is concerned with the universal syntactic form of a construction that is legible on LF level. It therefore describes valence in universal syntactic-categorial terms only. This thesis develops the semantic and pragmatic components of a theory of valence in order that a clearer understanding may be gained of the interaction between all the variables of valence on a language specific LF level. A theory of valence is construed eclectically from several other theories. TGG models provide the methods used to describe the syntactic component of a theory of valence. Conceptual Semantics contributes to the development of the semantic component, and models of cognitive grammar to the pragmatic component. The interaction between these components is explained by theories of lexicalisation, rules of correspondence and the fusion of constructions and lexical items. The analysis of Afrikaans verbs of motion provides the comprehensive set of analytical devices required to account for valence beyond the point of LF. From this analysis it emerges that the valence of this category can be summarized in a finite number of frames of valence for distinct classes within the category. 'n Clear understanding of the universal and language specific aspects of this category is achieved by means of these frames of valence. A further hypothesis (the unaccusativity hypothesis) posits that the syntactic distribution of verbs can be predicted from their semantics. This hypothesis is tested by means of empirical data of Afrikaans verbs of motion. These verbs are classified according to similar semantic-pragmatic features. It is shown that verbs of motion with the same semanticpragmatic features share frames of valence. These frames thus are deducible systematically from semantic-pragmatic features. Certain aspects of frames of valence, however, are determined by conventions such as profiling and the regulated interaction between verbs and constructions. / Afrikaans / D.Litt. et Phil. (Afrikaans)

Text in Afrikaans / Twee sentrale probleme word hier ondersoek, naamlik die daarstelling van 'n teoreties adekwate model om leksikale valensie te verreken en die problematiek rondom die beskrywing van Afrikaanse bewegingswerkwoorde. Die vertrekpunt is dat 'n teorie van UG lesikale valensie slegs ten dele verreken. So 'n teorie is gemoeid met die vorm van 'n konstruksie wat op LF-vlak leesbaar is. Gevolglik beskryf 'n teorie van UG valensie net in universele sintakties-kategoriale terme. In hierdie studie word die semantiese en pragmatiese komponente van 'n valensieteorie derhalwe uitgebou sodat daar 'n duideliker begrip verkry kan word van die wisselwerking tussen alle veranderlikes van valensie op 'n taalspesifieke LF-vlak. 'n Valensieteorie word op eklektiese wyse saamgestel uit verskeie ander teoriee. Die apparaat om die sintaktiese komponent van 'n valensieteorie te beskryf, word aan TGGmodelle ontleen. Die semantiese komponent van die teorie word aangevul vanuit die Konseptuele Semantiek en die pragmatiese komponent daarvan vanui t kogni ti ewe grammatikamodelle. Die interaksie tussen hierdie komponente word verreken deur teoriee van leksikalisasie, korrespondensiereels en die passing tussen konstruksies en leksikale items. Die ontleding van Afrikaanse bewegingswerkwoorde spesif iseer die omvattender anali tiese apparaat wat nodig is vir die verrekening van valensie verby die punt waarvoor 'n teorie van UG voorsiening maak. Dit blyk uit hierdie analise dat die valensie van die kategorie in 'n aantal valensieraambeskrywings vir die aparte subklasse saamgevat kan word. 'n Duidelike beeld van die universele en taalspesifiekidiosinkratiese aspekte van hierdie kategorie kan in terme van hierdie valensierame aangetoon word. 'n Verdere hipotese (die onakkusatiwiteithipotese) is dat die sintaktiese verspreiding van werkwoorde ui t hulle semantiek voorspel kan word. Hierdie hipotese word getoets aan die empiriese data van Afrikaanse bewegingswerkwoorde. Hierdie bewegingswerkwoorde word in groepe geklassifiseer na gelang van ooreenstemmende semanties-pragmatiese kenmerke. Daar word getoon dat bewegingswerkwoorde met dieself de semantiespragmatiese kenmerke dieselfde valensierame het. Valensierame is daarom op sistematiese wyse uit semanties-pragmatiese kenmerke afleibaar. Sekere fasette van valensierame word egter ook bepaal deur konvensies soos profilering, en deur bereelde interaksie met 'n basiese konstruksie se argumentstruktuur. / This thesis focuses on the development of a theoretically adequate model to account for lexical valence and to provide the detail for such a model by means of an analysis of Afrikaans verbs of motion. The thesis is a response to a theory of UG which inadequately accounts for lexical valence. A theory of UG is concerned with the universal syntactic form of a construction that is legible on LF level. It therefore describes valence in universal syntactic-categorial terms only. This thesis develops the semantic and pragmatic components of a theory of valence in order that a clearer understanding may be gained of the interaction between all the variables of valence on a language specific LF level. A theory of valence is construed eclectically from several other theories. TGG models provide the methods used to describe the syntactic component of a theory of valence. Conceptual Semantics contributes to the development of the semantic component, and models of cognitive grammar to the pragmatic component. The interaction between these components is explained by theories of lexicalisation, rules of correspondence and the fusion of constructions and lexical items. The analysis of Afrikaans verbs of motion provides the comprehensive set of analytical devices required to account for valence beyond the point of LF. From this analysis it emerges that the valence of this category can be summarized in a finite number of frames of valence for distinct classes within the category. 'n Clear understanding of the universal and language specific aspects of this category is achieved by means of these frames of valence. A further hypothesis (the unaccusativity hypothesis) posits that the syntactic distribution of verbs can be predicted from their semantics. This hypothesis is tested by means of empirical data of Afrikaans verbs of motion. These verbs are classified according to similar semantic-pragmatic features. It is shown that verbs of motion with the same semanticpragmatic features share frames of valence. These frames thus are deducible systematically from semantic-pragmatic features. Certain aspects of frames of valence, however, are determined by conventions such as profiling and the regulated interaction between verbs and constructions. / Afrikaans / D.Litt. et Phil. (Afrikaans)

Diese Dissertation untersucht die Syntax nichtkanonischer Subjekte und Subjektpositionen - insbesondere zwei Phänomene: Lokativinversion (LI) in Englisch, Französisch, Italienisch und Hebräisch; und Verbdrittverletzungen der Verbzweitregel (V2) in Kiezdeutsch - eine urbane Kontaktvarietät des Deutschen. In LI besetzt eine Lokativ-XP die präverbale Stelle, aber das kanonische DP-Subjekt in Nominativ taucht postverbal auf. Sprachübergreifend vergleiche ich a) die Verteilung unterschiedlicher Null- und overten Argumente in LI und b) die Verfügbarkeit von LI in Matrix- und Nebensätzen. Die zweite Fallstudie befasst sich mit kiezdeutschen V2-Verletzungen, denn sie folgen einer regelmäßigen Reihenfolge: [Rahmensetzer > Subjekt > finites Verb]; dies ist bemerkenswert aufgrund der Verletzung der ansonsten strengen Verbzweitregel und auch, weil es auf die Innovation einer Art Subjektposition hindeutet, die im Standarddeutschen fehlt. Anhand einer Korpusstudie komme ich zu der Erkenntnis, dass die scheinbare Subjektvoraussetzung auch für resumptive V3-Dislozierungsphänomene gilt. Dennoch wird gezeigt, dass die Subjektvoraussetzung mit dem nominativischen DP-Subjekten verbundenen EPP nicht ganz übereinstimmt. Ich entwickele eine Theorie von Subjektvoraussetzungen, die sowohl die Breite der untersuchten Variation in LI als auch die An/Abwesenheit von Subjektvorausetzungen im Vorfeld bei V3-Sätzen im Standarddeutschen und Kiezdeutschen erklären kann. Schließlich lassen sich diese Phänomene durch unterschiedliche Verteilungen und Vererbungsoperationen von D-, ϕ- und informationsstrukturellen δ-Merkmalen (cf. Miyagawa 2017) zwischen dem Phasenkopf C und T erklären. Die Anwesenheit nichtkanonischer Subjekte in LI und kanonischer Subjekte in einer nichtkanonischen Subjektposition im Kiezdeutschen werden durch Variation in der Verteilung eines für das Prädikatssubjekt spezifizierten δ-Merkmal abgeleitet. Dieses Merkmal ist aber unabhänging von den üblichen EPP-Voraussetzungen. / This dissertation addresses syntactic structures involving non-canonical subjects and non-canonical subject positions, investigating two phenomena: Locative Inversion (LI) in English, French, Italian, and Hebrew; and verb-third violations of the verb-second (V2) rule in Kiezdeutsch, an urban contact variety of German. In LI a spatio-deictic XP appears in the preverbal canonical subject position, while the canonical nominative subject DP surfaces postverbally. I compare the distribution of different covert and overt arguments participating in LI and the availability of LI in embedded and matrix contexts crosslinguistically. The second case study concentrates on Kiezdeutsch V2 violations, as they follow a regular order of [frame-setting adverb > Subject > finite verb]; this is remarkable because it both violates an otherwise strict V2 requirement and also indicates the innovation of a subject position lacking in Standard German. I carry out a corpus study and find that an apparent subject requirement extends to other verb-third resumptive-dislocation phenomena, yet we cannot understand this requirement in the sense of an EPP position associated with nominative DP subjects. From a theoretical perspective, this dissertation develops a theory of subject requirements capable of accounting for the breadth of investigated crosslinguistic variation in LI and the presence or absence of a high clausal subject requirement in Kiezdeutsch V2-violations and more standard varieties of German. Ultimately, I make use of finite differences across C and T in the distribution of D, ϕ, and discourse-related δ-features (cf. Miyagawa 2017) via different inheritance options from the phase head. The presence of non-canonical subjects in LI and the presence of canonical subjects in a seemingly non-canonical subject position in Kiezdeutsch are both derivable via variation in the placement of a δ-feature with a specification for Subject of Predication orthogonal to typical EPP requirements.