The present thesis examines the relationship between Youth Conference Ministries (YCM) and the Presbyterian Church. YCM is a charismatic organization that organizes youth retreats for students in middle school and high school, with the goal of charismatically educating the youth of America. The focus of this thesis is on the Great Escape Southwind, a middle school retreat that caters to the southern portion of United States. My thesis first traces the biblical and historical underpinnings of charismatic Christianity. Next it provides an ethnographic case study of the Great Escape, focusing on its ability to foster spiritual growth of students through an enthusiastic response to the Holy Spirit. Finally it examines the relationship between YCM and the Presbyteries that populate its retreats. Overall this thesis shows how YCM provides a charismatic service to the local Presbyterian Churches, allowing for its adolescent parishioners to remain enthusiastically active as they progress towards adulthood.

Faculty of Humanities School of Socil Sciences 9911005m ChambaLarry@hotmail.com / This thesis is a study of how West Africa immigrants experience immigration into South Africa, and how they are affected by their new context. Based on interview schedule (survey), in-depth interviews, observations (direct and indirect), primary and secondary sources, some 112 Cameroonians and Nigerians (72 Cameroonians and 40 Nigerians) were studied between May 2001 and December 2003. The study revealed that, xenophobia, discrimination, and the South African affirmative action, make it difficult for West African immigrants to achieve their goals in the country. From an overall perspective, these immigrants are not allowed to work or study; they suffer harassment, social exclusion and gross human rights abuses in the country. While the majority of these immigrants have actually abandoned their home countries for South Africa, various reasons account for their immigration into South Africa. A study of the factors influencing West African immigration into South Africa, found that, although several factors account for West African immigration into South Africa, the factors are interlinked to one another, and not independent in themselves. I showed that, although push and pull factors, such as political, economic, socio-cultural factors, communication and technological advances, proximity, precedence and tradition of migration influence West African immigration into South Africa, the role of family pride, usually ignored in most migration studies is fast becoming an emerging push factor of migration in the West African sub-region. In South Africa, West African immigrants interact with the general public, as well as some government institutions most notably, the Department of Home Affairs. An examination of past and current immigration policy, the Department of Home Affairs, and the general public found that although immigrants enter South Africa with the hope of improving their lives, and those of family members back home, they are socially excluded; suffer from serious human rights abuses, discrimination and xenophobic hostility. The Aliens Control Act of 1991, the new Refugee Act of 1998, negative attitude of some officials, interpreters and the general public, a simultaneous increase in the iii number of immigrants with unemployment, lack of socialization between South Africans and West Africans, apartheid isolation and indoctrination of South Africans, and the role of the media have all contributed to the high levels of discrimination and xenophobic hostility West Africans experience in South Africa. I have termed this fear and dislike of West Africans, and the resultant negative reactions by South Africans ‘Westaphobia’. The study saw West African immigrants as socially excluded in South African. An examination why, revealed the factors and the reasons as another facet of discrimination and xenophobia. It was found that, immigrants adapt in various ways to resist discrimination and xenophobia, and in the course of adapting, modify their personal identities, giving rise to multiple identities. Such hybridities were evident in immigrants dressing, dancing and hairstyles, expressive gestures, having more South African friends, changing legal status, joining, forming and organizing social functions. Despite experiences of discrimination, xenophobia and exclusion, the study found that immigrants implement certain strategies to ensure their survival in South Africa. In the midst of these problems, some immigrants still manage to succeed in their businesses and other under takings. Immigrants’ high concentration in Hillbrow with its commercial and locational advantages, initial capital through immigrants’ networks, the use of family labor, are all added advantages. The study also found that through small business activities, and the trading of ethnic goods, immigrants are able to survive and send remittances back home. At the same time, trading in and consuming ethnic goods help strengthened immigrants self-identification, unify and link them to their roots. Further revelations saw some of the immigrants as transmigrants, who develop hybrid identities, and live their lives across boundaries. In this way, they are able to succeed despite their status as the undesirables in South Africa. Others are pushed to the wall, and are forced to transgress various margins of the law, to ensure their survival, resist discrimination and xenophobic hostility in South Africa. For some, transgressing margins of the law is the fastest means of amassing wealth to be able to live a better live in South Africa, and still take care of family members in their home countries.

Susiklosčius ekonominio sunkmečio situacijai, Lietuvos valdžios institucijoms ir įstaigoms tenka ieškoti būdų kaip taupyti ir optimizuoti biudžeto lėšas. Kreipiamas didelis dėmesys į efektyvesnį lėšų panaudojimą valstybiniame sektoriuje. Pradėta Lietuvos vykdomosios valdžios institucijų sistemos reforma, kuri apėmė įvairius sistemos lygius. Šiomis pertvarkomis siekta aiškios valstybės institucijų vietos valstybės valdymo sistemoje nustatymo, funkcijų išgryninimo, didesnės institucijų atskaitomybės, veiklos efektyvumo. Analizuojant reformų rengimą ir įgyvendinimą Lietuvoje gretinimui buvo pasitelktas ir Norvegijos vykdomosios valdžios struktūrinių reformų atvejis. Taigi šio darbo tikslas – ištirti Lietuvos vykdomosios valdžios institucijų sistemos pertvarkas centrinės valdžios lygmenyje. Siekiant įgyvendinti darbo tikslą ir iškeltus uždavinius, buvo atliekamas empirinis tyrimas. Pasitelktas pusiau struktūruoto interviu su Lietuvos vykdomosios valdžios institucijų sistemos pertvarkų administracinio lauko veikėjais. Tyrimo metu surinkti duomenys buvo analizuojami naudojantis institucionalizmo teorijos įrankiais ir kategorijomis. Darbe atskleisti veiksniai, kurie įtakojo reformų Lietuvoje rengimą, nustatomi užsibrėžti pertvarkų tikslai. Taip pat analizuojami veikėjų, dalyvavusių pertvarkose, įtaka ir interesai. Bandoma ištirti, kaip institucijos bendradarbiavo ir komunikavo reformos rengimo bei įgyvendinimo procese, kokiomis priemonėmis bandė siekti savo tikslų ir... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / During an economic recession public institutions must find ways to save money and optimize state budget. A careful attention must be payed to efficient use of funds in the public sector. In Lithuania an executive branch reorganization which included the various levels of the executive system has been started. Aims of these transformations were to set clear positions of institutions in the system of executive branch, refine the functions of these institutions, achieve greater institutional accountability and efficiency. An analysis of the reform development and implementation in Lithuania was compared to executive structural reforms in Norway. Consequently, the aim of this work is to investigate the executive branch reorganization and reform of Ministries in Lithuania. In order to implement the objective and tasks of this work an empirical research was carried out. Semi-structured interviews with members of Lithuanian reform administrative field were taken. The study collected data were analyzed using the tools of institutional theory. This work revealed forces, which influenced the development and implementation of ecetutive branch reform in Lithuania and identifies goals of this reorganization. It also analyzes the power and interests of the members of administrative field who took part in the reform. Also, this work is trying to examine how cooperation and communications during processes of reform took place and attempts to achieve goals and interests. This study... [to full text]

Os estudos a respeito do funcionamento do Congresso brasileiro não deixariam dúvidas: os trabalhos no interior da arena legislativa são organizados em termos partidários. Os atores políticos raramente conseguem agir individualmente. Partidos políticos estruturam e viabilizam a atuação dos parlamentares. Contudo, a despeito deste acordo sobre a importância dos partidos, haveria um momento específico do processo político em que os parlamentares conseguiriam agir individualmente, sem sofrer os constrangimentos dos partidos políticos: na alteração do orçamento. Seria esse o momento ideal para que os parlamentares ajam informados exclusivamente por seu interesse individual. Seria este também o momento oportuno para que o Executivo negocie com os parlamentares para obter o apoio que necessita para aprovar matérias. Os partidos sairiam de cena e o parlamentar individual viria para o centro do palco. Esse trabalho, no entanto, segue na contramão dessa vertente argumentativa e buscará mostrar como até nesse momento de atuação individual, a presença dos partidos políticos não apenas pode ser detectada, como ainda se mostra crucial. O objetivo geral aqui será o de mostrar como os parlamentares atuam por meio de seus partidos políticos ao promoverem alterações no orçamento. / The literature on the decision-making process in the Brazilian Congress asserts that partisanship is the main factor organizing the legislative arena. Brazilian legislators are rarely able to act individually (i.e. without the support and authorization of their party leaders). However, in spite of this agreement on the importance of the parties, part of the literature also states that members of congress have the ability to operate without suffering the constraints of political parties in amending the budget bill introduced by the Executive at this crucial moment of the legislative process. Individual interests should show up exactly at this crucial moment of the legislative process. Moreover, the budget-making process should configure an excellent opportunity for the Executive to negotiate with legislators in order to obtain support for its own policy agenda. By this argument parties are absent and legislators, as individuals, would come to the center of the stage. My work, however, goes against this perspective and seeks to show the reasons why even when one should expect individual behavior, political parties show their strength and importance. My overall goal is to demonstrate that, against the expectations, partisanship matters for the budget-making process in Brazil.

São escassas as pesquisas empíricas sobre o funcionamento e o comportamento dos atores burocráticos no mundo. A presente tese colabora ao diminuir essa lacuna e propõe investigar a atuação de burocratas em ministérios nacionais. Com métodos contemporâneos e dados originais a pesquisa busca responder, as seguintes perguntas respectivas aos títulos dos capítulos que a compõe: Quais são os efeitos do recrutamento lateral sobre atitudes e percepções de burocratas? Quais fatores explicam o tempo de promoção da elite burocrática na carreira diplomática? E qual seria a estrutura de relacionamentos políticos do Ministério das Relações Exteriores (MRE)? Os resultados para o primeiro capítulo, referente a atitudes e percepções, sugere um baixo efeito do recrutamento lateral, com significância estatística em pouco mais de 14% das perguntas avaliadas. De outro lado, os achados se concentram em dimensões relacionais e políticas e os efeitos da entrada lateral vão no sentido de consultar mais os conselhos de políticas públicas, usar mais e com maior facilidade mídias sociais e ferramentas de T.I., coordenar equipes e mediar conflitos mais facilmente, rejeita ou relativiza a competição burocrática, conta com mais apoio parlamentar, além de reforçar outras capacidades internas do ministério que pertence como reputação, mobilização do legislativo e judiciário, e reforço do aparato jurídico. O segundo capítulo referente a carreira e promoções da elite do MRE mostrou que entre variáveis sociais e institucionais, apenas as últimas se destacam, sendo que os segundos ministros que foram indicados a cargos de direção e assessoramento (DAS) tiveram seu tempo de promoção médios diminuídos. Em sentido contrário, passagens por postos diplomáticos das classes B e C tendem a aumentar os tempos médios de promoção em ambas hierarquias da elite diplomática, segundos ministros e embaixadores. Para o terceiro e último capítulo, as redes e circulações dos diplomatas mostram que o relacionamento institucional do MRE, segundo medidas de centralidade (eigenvector) e agrupamento hierárquico (hierarchical clustering), se direcionam prioritariamente tanto para as embaixadas de Buenos Aires e Washington, quanto e especialmente para a Organização das Nações Unidas e a Presidência da República essas últimas possuindo alta e sistemática relevância estrutural nas redes dos distintos estratos do ministério. / Empirical evidence for the bureaucratic behavior is largely lacking. Therefore, this dissertation seeks to fill this gap by studying bureaucratic agents within national ministries in Brazil. Using different methods, contemporary and original data, this study answers the following questions associated to three chapters, respectively: What are the effects of different types of recruitment on bureaucrats attitudes and perceptions? What variables explain the promotion time of the diplomatic elite? And third, what is the policy network structure of the Brazilian Foreign Affairs Ministry (MFA)? The findings related to the first chapter suggest, on one hand, a weak effect (14% significance) of the lateral recruitment treatment on bureaucrats attitudes and perceptions. On the other hand, the results focus on relational and political dimensions, suggesting that personnel selected through lateral recruitment are more likely to: take advice from public policy councils, use social media more frequently and more easily (as I.T. tools), coordinate teams and mediate conflicts with less effort, deny or relativize bureaucratic competition, count on parliamentary support, and also reinforce other internal capabilities such as reputation, legislative and judiciary mobilization, and reinforcement of the law apparatus. In the second chapter, we demonstrated that institutional variables matter, and second ministers appointed to political positions were associated with a slower promotion time, on average. On the contrary, bureaucrats who had been appointed to class B and C diplomatic posts tend to exhibit faster promotion times in both hierarchies of the diplomatic elite (second ministers and ambassadors). The last chapter shows that diplomats policy networks and destinations mainly hinge around the Buenos Aires and Washington embassies, and especially the United Nations and the Presidential Office the latter having systematic and structural importance in different diplomatic hierarchies.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Texas, Aug., 2009. / Title from title page display. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (D. Min.)--Denver Conservative Baptist Seminary, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 346-353).

Thesis (D. Min.)--Midwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, 2002. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 183-188).

Thesis (D. Min.)--Reformed Theological Seminary, 2006. / Abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 224-230).

Thesis (D. Min.)--Ashland Theological Seminary, 2005. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 227-245).