Esta dissertação filia-se à teoria analítica do discurso proposta pelo filósofo Michel Pêcheux e tem como tema central discussões sobre o processo de estruturação do discurso acadêmico que aborda a segmentação do Turismo no Brasil. Com essa pesquisa, busco contribuir com o estudo do Campo do Turismo a partir de uma perspectiva crítica, com foco específico no estudo do segmento caracterizado como Turismo GLS. Para tanto, busquei em livros – publicados no Brasil e escritos na comunidade acadêmica nacional – textos que relacionassem Turismo com a Comunidade LGBT, objetivando a construção desse conceito de segmento. Dessa busca, relacionei três textos que compõem o corpus de análise, são eles; Angeli (2004 [1999]), Oliveira (2002) e Trigo (2009). A partir do recorte das sequências discursivas das materialidades e da mobilização de conceitos como Formação Social, Formação Ideológica, Lugar Discursivo, Formações Discursivas e Forma-sujeito, desenvolvi um caminho teórico que pretende problematizar a apropriação da sigla GLS – enunciada dentro do Movimento Social como um Lugar Discursivo – pelo Mercado e, consequentemente, pela Academia. A partir desses achados de análise também aponto para o tratamento conceitual dado ao Sujeito nos processos de segmentação do Turismo, processos esses, que remetem ao individualismo e ao pragmatismo, evidenciando que a segmentação ainda situa-se em perspectivas bastante reducionistas. Nesse esforço de problematizar o segmento, o texto resta em aberto, mobilizando outros questionamentos e propostas de novos arranjos na interface Turismo – Análise do Discurso. / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior, CAPES. / This dissertation relates to the discourse analysis proposed by the French philosopher Michel Pêcheux and it has as the main theme the discussions on the structuration process of the academic discourse which addresses the segmentation of Tourism in Brazil. With this research, I aim to contribute with the study in the Field of Tourism from a critical perspective, with emphasis on GLS Tourism. For this purpose, I have searched in books (published in Brazil and written within the national academic community) for texts that relates Tourism with the LGBT Community, addressing to the construction of this concept. From this search, I have related three texts which assemble the analysis corpus: Angeli (2004 [1999]), Oliveira (2002) and Trigo (2009). From the view of the materiality‟s sequential discourses and the mobilization of concepts like Social Formation, Ideological Formation, Discursive Place, Discursive Formations and Subject-Form, I have developed a theorical method which intends to discuss the appropriation of the acronym “GLS” (expressed within the LGBT Movement as a Discursive Place) by the Market and, inevitably, by the Academy. From these analysis findings, I also point to the conceptual treatment given to the subject in the processes of segmentation of Tourism, which refer to the individualism and pragmatism, endorsing that the segmentation is still based on too reductionist perspectives. In this effort to question the segment, the text is left open, mobilizing other inquires and propositions of new arrangements within the Tourism – Discourse Analysis interface.

This is a theoretical research which aims at studying the peculiar thought related to the expansion of the contemporary criminal laws, which are related to the creation of criminal laws directed towards the protection of minority groups, here called "Criminal Law of the Vulnerable". The idea is to question the use of the Criminal Law as a space for the promotion of equity and the replacement of the vulnerable situation common to minority groups. How the idea of vulnerability is brought about is investigated, together with its connection to the ideas of Human Rights, Critical Criminology and Victimology, as a theoretical assumption which is able to justify the use of the Criminal Law as a way to promote and assert the rights of vulnerable groups. The concept of intersubjective recognition is considered when it comes to the reading of social mobilizations which determines "a run towards the Criminal Law", in which expectations to make the demands for equity by some determined segments and groups are created, besides expectations to generate more recognition or social esteem to the same groups. "The Criminal Law of the Vulnerable" is analyzed in the light of an understanding of the Criminal Law which takes the position of a guarantee, verifying its characteristics and contradictions. The conclusion drawn points to the fact that "The Criminal Law of the Vulnerable" is not capable of producing recognition or replacing inequities, since its structural characteristics point to the opposite: the Criminal Law prevent recognition and reproduce inequities. The choice of the social actors for recruiting the Criminal Law as a way to achieve recognition expresses a reactive view and a punitive pleasure which is incompatible with the defense of Human Rights. When choosing the punitive response, it is in fact reproducing the culture of domination and submission which is intended to replace. Recognition must be sought in other spaces other than that of the Criminal Law. This must aim at protecting the legal interests of all, being committed to respect Human Rights and seeking a minimal intervention, with the maximum of guarantees to the individual. / Trata-se aqui de uma pesquisa teórica, que tem por objetivo estudar a vertente peculiar da expansão penal contemporânea, a qual diz respeito à elaboração de legislações penais voltadas à proteção específica de grupos minoritários, o aqui chamado "Direito Penal dos Vulneráveis". A ideia é questionar a utilização do Direito Penal como espaço para promoção da igualdade e suplantação da situação de vulnerabilidade que acomete os grupos minoritários. Investiga-se a formação da noção de vulnerabilidade e a sua relação com o discurso de Direitos Humanos, com a Criminologia Crítica e a Vitimologia, como o ambiente teórico a justificar o recrutamento do Direito Penal como meio para promover e afirmar direitos dos grupos vulnerabilizados. Lança-se mão do conceito de reconhecimento intersubjetivo para a leitura das mobilizações sociais que determinam uma "corrida pelo Direito Penal", no qual se depositam expectativas de trazer visibilidade às demandas por igualdade de determinados segmentos e grupos, e de gerar maior reconhecimento ou estima social a estes mesmos. Analisa-se o "Direito Penal dos Vulneráveis" à luz de um Direito Penal de posição garantista, verificando as suas características e contradições. Conclui-se que o "Direito Penal dos Vulneráveis" não é capaz de propiciar reconhecimento, nem muito menos a suplantação de desigualdades, pois suas características estruturais apontam exatamente o contrário: o Direito Penal obsta o reconhecimento e reproduz desigualdades. A opção dos atores sociais em recrutar o Direito Penal como meio para alcançar reconhecimento, em verdade expressa uma ótica reativa e uma volúpia punitiva incompatível com a defesa de Direito Humanos; escolhendo a resposta punitiva, apenas se reproduz a própria cultura de dominação e subalternização que se pretende suplantar. O reconhecimento deve ser buscado em outros espaços que não o Direito Penal. Este deve ter a tarefa de proteger os bens jurídicos de todos, comprometido com os respeito aos Direitos Humanos e buscando uma intervenção mínima, com o máximo de garantias ao indivíduo.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este trabalho tem por objetivo investigar como um contexto sócio-linguístico-cultural fronteiriço influencia na constituição do sujeito que ali mora e estuda. Esta é uma pesquisa orientada à luz da Linguística Aplicada, uma área de pesquisa que se interessa por novas teorizações e que dialoga com outras áreas do conhecimento, como Estudos Culturais e Sociolinguística. Esta pesquisa mostra-se pertinente à comunidade acadêmica e aos colegas professores atuantes no cenário educacional, por suscitar questionamentos acerca de sujeitos de minorias linguísticas, moradores na fronteira que convivem e interagem em um meio de dimensões culturais que se movimentam bidirecionalmente e, também se complementam, na perspectiva da transculturalidade. Trata-se de um estudo de cunho etnográfico com abordagem de pesquisa predominantemente qualitativa. Os registros foram coletados através da observação participante, do diário de campo e das entrevistas semiestruturadas gravadas apenas em áudio mediante a autorização dos sujeitos ou de seus responsáveis. Um total de 10 sujeitos foram entrevistados, sendo 8 alunos, 1 professor e 1 secretária da escola. As análises empreendidas indicaram a marcação da diferença e da identidade dos alunos pela língua. / This study aims to investigate how a socio-cultural-linguistic border context influences the constitution of the individual that lives and study there. This work is oriented under the bias of Applied Linguistics, a mixed area of research that is interested in new theories and dialogues with other areas of knowledge such as Cultural Studies and Sociolinguistics. This research is relevant to the academic community and to all the teachers that work in this educational system, by raising questions about linguistic minorities individuals, residents on the border who live and interact in an environment of cultural dimensions that moves bidirectionally and also complement each other, in the perspective of transculturality. This is an ethnographic study with predominantly qualitative research approach. The records were collected through participant observation, field diary and semi-structured interviews recorded in audio only with the permission of the individuals or their legal guardians. A total of 10 individuals were interviewed, 8 students, 1 teacher and 1 secretary of the school. The analysis undertaken indicated the marking of difference and identity of students by language.

In this paper I study how the minority group Roma appears in the Swedish media. I also look at possible similarities and differences in appearance before and after the disclosure of the Roma registration by the Swedish police in September 2013. To answer my purpose with the paper I treat the following questions: How is the minority group Roma constructed in the media before and after the disclosure? In which ways are the minority group Roma expressed in the media before and after the disclosure? I am using a discourse analytic method based on theories of construction between “them” and “we” and the media’s impact on social constructions and identities. By analysing twenty-eight articles from a period of one month before and one month after the disclosure the result shows that there are more similarities than differences between how the Roma are described in the Swedish media. The conclusion is that there are small differences and bigger similarities in how the Roma are constructed between the two periods, but that the attitude against how they are expressed is more sympathetic after the disclosure.

The aim of this paper is to examine the relationship between reserved seats for ethnic groups in national legislatures and corruption. In 2008, over 30 countries were reserving seats for ethnic groups in their national legislature. The share of seats that was reserved ranged from a 2 percent reserved seats arrangement for a small ethnic minority, to a 100 percent reserved seats power-sharing arrangement between two or more ethnic groups. By applying theories of informal power, this essay hypothesizes that reserving seats reduces corruption. In contrast to the theory, an initial bivariate regression shows that reserved seats are associated with higher levels of corruption. However, when controlling for conflict history, democracy, ethnic fractionalization, GDP/capita, fuel exports, newspaper circulation, and region, this association turns into a negative one, indicating that reserved seats might reduce corruption. The main finding of the study is that having less than 25 percent of the total amount of legislative seats reserved for ethnic groups reduces corruption more than having no reserved seats at all or more than 25 percent reserved seats. This suggests that certain types of reserved seats arrangements are useful for fighting corruption.

South Tyrol, which is situated on the border between Austria and Italy, has been considered a 'peace model' by many nation-states since the creation of the province's autonomy statutes. The objective of these statutes was to allow for minority protection of the German- and Ladin-speaking communities while also permitting Austria to be the 'protector' of South Tyrol even though the province is situated in Italy. Another bi-product of these statutes was the creation of the 'separate but equal' education system, which allowed the German-, Italian- and Ladin-speaking communities to have individual schools in order to protect their culture and language identity. In the past several decades, there has been an increase in 'mixed' marriages with members of differing language groups producing bilingual children. Additionally, civil service positions now require that all applicants have a mandatory comprehension of the L2, or in some cases L3, in order to apply for certain posts. As the education system tries to adjust to local concerns regarding the insufficient teaching of the L2 in monolingual education, the concept of South Tyrol as a 'peace model' is brought into question. In this thesis, I examine how the South Tyrolean school system is reflective of society at large as its divided education mirrors the current fissures existent amongst the language communities. With parents looking for alternative measures to instruct their children in the L2, some residents would prefer a bilingual schooling option to encourage inter-group assimilation. Furthermore, I discuss, outside of education, external social factors in the region which impact L2 learning creating language learning 'blocks' and 'victim' versus 'conqueror' mentalities. The objective of this research is to try and understand how South Tyrol continues to be in transition as the province adjusts to more bilingualism despite the historical need to preserve the language minorities.

M.A. / This study serves to expand the work of A.C. Faul on scale development in social work to incorporate the demand for multiculturalism. Ecometrics – the measurement of ecosystems – is a steadily growing field in South Africa. To date, however, scale development has assumed that the ecometrics will be practiced in a monocultural context. This is obviously not the case in South Africa. Consequently, the research goal is to design a process model for the development of social work scales for multicultural use in South Africa. As a secondary objective, the study aims to test this model in practice, through the development of a multicultural scale that accurately measures the social health of military employees/families. A number of issues underlying the technical aspects of multicultural scale development are first explored, including issues of the characteristics of ecometrics; the meaning of the term culture; the emic-etic debate; cultural equivalence; and bias, fairness and standards in ecometrics. Thereafter, a process model for the development of multicultural ecometric scales is introduced and five main phases are described: analysis, design, development, evaluation, and diffusion & adoption. Each of these phases is further decomposed into main moments and steps, each of which is described at both theoretical and technical levels. In order to test this process model in the real world, a new multicultural, multilingual, multidimensional, systems-oriented, salutogenic scale was created, called the Military Social Health Index. In the analysis phase, the need for the scale was analysed and the innovation requirements determined and contracted with the client. A theoretical framework – family resilience theory – was identified and explored, resulting in the development of an assessment model that underlies the scale. The cross-cultural comparability of the constructs was assessed and each construct was operationally defined, using facet maps. In the design phase, a multicultural, multilingual team of social workers generated close to 200 items, as well as instructions, using a multifocus approach, in which items were generated in four languages simultaneously (English, Zulu, Setswana and Afrikaans). Only items that could be expressed equivalently across languages were accepted. This resulted in an initial instrument, comprising 175 items (plus 16 demographic items), covering seven constructs, in four languages, at an average reading level of Grades 6-7. During the development (or field testing) phase, the instrument was reviewed by a group of social workers for content relevance, translation equivalence, item formulation, etc. Thereafter it was reviewed by focus groups of soldiers in the SANDF. Finally, the instrument was subjected to an analysis of linguistic equivalence. In response to each review, changes were made to the instrument.

Une étude de 1991 du CIEMI vise à expliquer la question portant sur la représentation à la télévision la diversité multiculturelle en France. Qui désigne-t-elle ? La population dont l’origine ethnique est visible physiquement et par extension, les minorités vivant sur le sol français. La question de leur sous-représentation à la télévision, suscite autant de polémiques que de réactions véhémentes dans la sphère politique et publique. Les mots visible/visibilité font surface et interpellent en égale mesure les responsables politiques, médiatiques, sociologiques et associatifs. Or, c’est en cela que notre problématique nous a paru intéressante à aborder, car elle porte un regard édifiant sur le rôle et l’importance des médias dans leur représentation pour la période comprise entre 1975 à 2015. Approfondir les conditions de cette pâle représentation à l’écran, les questionnements soulevés, les actions et les solutions proposées par les divers acteurs, les effets sur l’opinion publique, ce sont autant de thématiques fondamentales qui se sont imposées à nous comme une évidence. Loin d’être exhaustive, notre recherche vise donc à relever les aboutissants de cette problématique devenue une priorité figurant à l’ordre du jour de l’agenda des politiques. / A study of 1991 of the CIEMI aims at explaining the question concerning the representation on the television the multicultural diversity in France. Who does it indicate ? The population the ethnic origin of which is visible physically and by extension, minorities living on the French ground. The question of their sub-representation on the television, arouses so many debates as violent reactions in the political and public sphere. The words visible/visibilité make surface and call out in equal measure the political, media, sociological and associative persons in charge. Yet, this is why our problem seemed to us interesting to approach, because it carries a look building on the role and the importance of the media in their representation for period between 1975 in 2015. Deepen the conditions of this weak representation in the screen, the raised questionings, the shares and the solutions proposed by the diverse actors, the effects on the public opinion, it is so many fundamental themes which were imperative upon us as an obvious fact. Far from being exhaustive, our research thus aims at raising the outcomes of this problem become a priority appearing in the agenda of the diary of the politics.

Magister Administrationis - MAdmin / The shift from an ethnocentric, monocultural society to a more inclusive and democratic society should be accompanied by a national policy providing equal access to resources in a proactive, affirmative manner. This can be achieved in one of the two ways, either through equal employment opportunity or Affirmative Action. Affirmative Action is a specific intervention directed toward ensuring that employment opportunities are created by actively correcting imbalances caused by past discrimination and achieving employment targets. Equal employment opportunity implies an absence of discrimination, whereas Affirmative Action denotes compensatory discrimination in favour of disadvantaged groups. Affirmative Action is a supplement to, rather than equivalent to equal employment opportunities in that equality cannot be a genuine option where the effects of previous discriminatory practices have not been redressed. In an equal opportunities system, not all persons have the same chance of achieving the desired goal, but all are provided with equal means to achieve it. The unequal outcome of such a system is caused by the unequal skills for talents of the past discrimination, especially in terms of education and experience. All the Directors of Tygerberg Administration who responded to the questionnaires supported this and all of them agreed that training is necessary for all employees, especially the previously discriminated groups. The primary objective of Affirmative Action can therefore said to be the adequate advancement of disadvantaged groups for the purpose of securing equal rights, freedom and opportunities.Equal employment opportunity is seen as a passive agreement on the part of the employer not to discriminate against any particular group. Employers adhering to the principle of equal employment opportunity evaluates candidates for employment according to performance criteria which relates directly to the requirements of a particular position. Affirmative Action seeks to go beyond equal employment opportunity in that it recognises that, when members of disadvantaged groups constitute only a small percentage of the labour pool, passively providing equality of opportunity will not suffice in overcoming the effects of previous discriminatory employment practices. Affirmative Action employers are therefore given the mandate to identify and remove the barriers to the employment of those under-represented in the workplace. Merely removing the present obstacles to equality does not necessarily ensure equality between groups since the effects of previous discrimination need to be actively redressed. It can be noted that equal employment and Affirmative Action programmes should not be equated with each other as they imply different approaches to overcoming the effects of previous discrimination. Affirmative Action is said to be a supplement to, rather than the equivalent of equal employment opportunity, in that it is required to eliminate the barriers to real equality in the workplace. In this regard, it is essential to point out that Affirmative Action programmes are a means to an end, namely equal employment opportunity, and should not continue after this end has been achieved. Due to the similarity between the two terms, Affirmative Action and equal employment opportunity are often equated with one another when, in essence, they have different meanings. From the information gathered for this research it was clear that not many Blacks were employed in management and supervisory positions of the City of Tygerberg. The research revealed that despite adopting the Agreement on Affirmative Action and equal employment practice of the National Labour Relations Forum for Local Government as its policy framework, the Tygerberg Administration had not succeeded in meeting most of its obligations in terms of the above mentioned policy framework. This is largely ascribed to problems experienced with the implementation of equal employment and Affirmative Action programmes within the local authority. The methods of communicating these programmes to especially its lower category of disadvantaged employees to participate in training opportunities to improve their working skills, were not capitalised on. There was an unequal distribution of skills due to the effects of past discrimination, especially in terms of education. Active steps therefore need to be taken to ensure that the intentions of the local authority with repect to equal employment and Affirmative Action are implemented efficiently and effectively. / South Africa

Magister Legum - LLM / The protection of the rights of sexual minorities in Africa is a controversial issue. It is not unusual to find newspaper reports on gross violations suffered by this minority group. Gays and lesbians are victims of violence, sometimes resulting in death. Sexual minorities in Africa are often confronted with government actions such as those of the Nigerian government that recently submitted to the parliament a Bill to make provisions for the prohibition of relationships between persons of the same sex, celebration of marriage, registration of gay clubs and societies and publicity of same sex relationships. The objective of this study was to suggest possible legal protection and recognition of sexual minority rights under the African human rights system. / South Africa