袁同凯. / 论文(哲学博士)--香港中文大学, 2002. / 参考文献 (p. 235-255). / 中英文摘要. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Yuan Tongkai. / Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2002. / Can kao wen xian (p. 235-255).

published_or_final_version / Social Work / Master / Master of Social Work

published_or_final_version / Education / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

This thesis provides an institutional explanation for the peaceful solution of the conflict between the Moldovan state and its small Gagauz minority in the period from 1988 to 1995. The central argument is that different institutional arrangements during this time had a direct effect on the Moldovan state’s capacity to bring about autonomy for the Gagauz. I show how Gagauz leaders, conditioned by the territorial-based structures of the Soviet Union, mobilized a political movement to push for the creation of an autonomous republic, and how this preference for autonomy remained the consistent demand of the Gagauz throughout the early years of post-communist transition. This finding supports the contention that Gagauz preferences cannot be used to explain the rich variation in political outcomes during this period. I assert that the critical changes were essentially institutional: new electoral laws; revised parliamentary rules and procedures; and a complete rewriting of Moldova’s constitution. These innovations were crucial in enabling the inclusive-minded majority in the Moldovan parliament to overcome the power of nationalist veto players by increasing the majority’s control of the legislative agenda. The importance of these institutional factors is examined by careful analysis of the different stages of the Moldovan parliament’s accommodation of the Gagauz: from separatism and stalemate to compromise. Furthermore, I reassert the central role of institutional arrangements by discounting the external influence of Turkey as a patron state on the successful negotiations between Moldova and the Gagauz. Using previously unresearched archival material, unstructured interviews with many of the key actors, and local media reporting, this thesis challenges existing accounts of the Gagauz conflict in Moldova. These accounts assert that either the Gagauz reaction to titular nationalism or the shifting preferences of strategic-thinking elites was the key causal factor of the political outcomes observed during this period. In contrast, this thesis shows that institutional design played a decisive role in the resolution of this conflict. The findings of this research offer useful lessons for other ethnically-divided states with mobilized minorities.

Changes in income and representation in managerial occupations is explored separately for women and men among the United States' eight largest race/ethnic minority groups for each decennial census of 1960, 1970, 1980 and 1990 to determine how much change has occurred between 1960 and 1990 in race and ethnic inequality, and in gender inequality within each race/ethnic group. Insights from gender theory are applied to minority group inequality and insights from minority group theory are applied to gender inequality with some degree of success. Economic change is uneven among the groups, with the largest specific change being the movement of women into managerial jobs. A clear pattern also emerged indicating that the higher the average representation of a minority group in managerial jobs, the greater the gap between women and men. The income of all persons with income, however, did not exhibit such a clear pattern across the different groups.

Sexual minorities experience higher levels of stress than heterosexuals, which in turn affects coping and psychological quality of life (PQOL). Although many sexual minorities remain mentally healthy, a higher prevalence of mental disorders among members of the lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) communities exists; thus, LGB PQOL becomes an important area to examine. Several key factors are related to PQOL: shame due to heterosexism, self-esteem and perceived stress. Using minority stress model, I hypothesized that shame due to heterosexism and perceived stress are negatively correlated with PQOL, while self-esteem is positively correlated with PQOL. I hypothesized that collectively shame due to heterosexism, self-esteem and perceived stress account for a significant proportion of the variance in PQOL, that self-esteem moderates the relationship between perceived stress and PQOL and that age moderates the relationship between shame due to heterosexism and PQOL. I calculated Pearson product-moment correlation coefficient and found shame due to heterosexism was negatively correlated with PQOL (r(146) = -.21, p = .009), perceived stress was negatively correlated with PQOL (r (146) = -.69, p < .001) and self-esteem was positively correlated with PQOL (r(146) = .72, p < .001). I conducted a regression analysis and found our model accounted for 59% of the variance in PQOL (adj. R2 = .59, F(3, 144) = 68.88, p < .001). Self-esteem did moderate the relationship between perceived stress and PQOL (p = .029), but age did not moderate the relationship between shame due to heterosexism and PQOL. Results suggest perceived stress and self-esteem play key roles in sexual minorities’ PQOL. Implications are discussed.

Cette thèse s'intéresse à la "presse féminine noire", c'est-à-dire aux magazines qui s'adressent à des femmes partageant l'expérience sociale d'être perçues comme noires. Elle se fonde sur une analyse des contenus, nourrie par une enquête auprès de lectrices et des producteurs des magazines Amina, Miss Ebène et Brune en France. Entreprises commerciales et supports d'identification, ces médias témoignent de l'existence de consommatrices mais aussi de lectrices en quête de reconnaissance sociale. Leurs ressources publicitaires et leurs conditions de production révèlent une "ligne de couleur" dans la presse féminine française. Ces magazines, qui sont également distribués en Afrique francophone et aux Antilles, s’inscrivent dans un espace qui déborde les frontières nationales tout en assignant leur lectorat à un "entre soi". Les ambiguïtés des représentations qu'ils véhiculent sont inhérentes à la nécessité de relier l'ici à l'ailleurs, de valoriser des singularités phénotypiques tout en se conformant aux critères hégémoniques de la beauté et de soutenir l'émancipation féminine tout en conservant des spécificités culturelles. Cette recherche soulève plus largement les enjeux relatifs à la reconnaissance des minorités comme productrices et réceptrices des médias dans un contexte politique marqué par un idéal universaliste qui ne reconnaît pas leur existence. / The focus of this thesis is on magazines addressing women sharing the social experience of being perceived as black. It is based on a content analysis, fuelled by enquiries on the producers and readers of magazines Amina, Miss Ebène and Brune in France. These magazines are also distributed in francophone Africa and in the Caribbean. Commercial companies and identification supports, these magazine bear witness of the existence of the consumers but also of readers in search of social recognition. The advertising resources and the production conditions of the media reveal the existence of a “colour line” in the French women’s press. The analysis of the representations conveyed by each magazine reveals ambiguities, as much as in the contents as in the positioning, inherent to the need of linking the here and elsewhere promoting phenotypic singularities while conforming to the hegemonic criteria of beauty, supporting the emancipation of women while preserving cultural characteristics. This work, more broadly, raises issues concerning the recognition of minorities as producers and receptors of the media in a political context marked by a Universalist ideal that does not recognize their existence.

<p>Postdoctoral scholars encounter various challenges as they navigate the gap between graduate school and faculty or industry positions, one of which includes the challenge of work-family conflict and balance. The science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) fields represent one sector of the workforce where a closer examination of work-family conflict and balance is important due to the rise in prominence of these fields and the unique populations of people who are underrepresented within these fields. Scholars have identified various experiences or constructs (e.g., bias) that suggest that STEM environments may not be particularly welcoming or supportive for racially and ethnically underrepresented minorities (URMs). The transitional stage of being a postdoctoral scholar in combination with high work demands and a “chilly” or unsupportive work environment may contribute to work-family conflict among racially and ethnically URM postdoctoral scholars in STEM, which could contribute to the underrepresentation of racially and ethnically URMs in the STEM fields and/or the premature exit of these postdoctoral scholars from STEM fields. </p><p>Using role congruity perspective (Diekman & Eagly, 2008), I examined the function of goal endorsement (communal or agentic) as a possible cultural moderator in the indirect relationship between work demand and work-family conflict. This study formulated and empirically tested the relationships between work demand, perceived work environment, goal endorsement (communal or agentic), work-family conflict, and satisfaction with work-family balance. Two models were examined to differentiate two different aspects perceived work environment: (a) one using a supportive work environment variable as a mediator of the relationship between perceived work demand and work-family conflict, and (b) one using a hostile work environment variable as a mediator of the relationship between perceived work demand and work-family conflict. Hypotheses regarding the moderating role of a communal goal orientation and an agentic goal orientation in the indirect relationship between work demand and work-family conflict across the two models (supportive work environment and hostile work environment) were assessed. </p><p>Data was collected from 282 racially and ethnically underrepresented minority postdoctoral scholars in the STEM fields enrolled in postdoctoral positions at universities through an online survey. Using structural equation modeling, results revealed that the indirect effect between work demand and work-family conflict was significant and strongest at low levels of a communal goal endorsement and the indirect effect gradually became weaker until it was nonsignificant as racially and ethnically URM postdoctoral scholars’ communal goal endorsement increased. The results suggest that in the face of microaggressions in the workplace, racially and ethnically URM postdoctoral scholars’ high value of communion serves as a protective factor, which reduces the indirect effect of work demand on work-family conflict.Limitations of the study and recommendations for future research are presented alongside implications for counseling practice.</p>

La politique de la langue azerbaïdjanaise doit être étudiée en suivant quatre aspects différents mais très liés : la politique linguistique à l’égard de la langue officielle, la politique linguistique à l’égard des langues minoritaires en Azerbaïdjan, la politique linguistique à l’égard de la Turcophonie et la politique linguistique à l’égard des minorités azerbaïdjanaises vivant surtout dans les pays frontaliers tels que l’Iran, la Géorgie ou bien la Fédération de Russie (également la République du Daghestan de la Fédération de Russie). Cet ensemble constitue pour la politique linguistique de l’Azerbaïdjan à la fois une intervention sur la langue officielle mais aussi sur les langues minoritaires de la part de l’Etat et un domaine de coopération internationale dans le cas de la Turcophonie. Par conséquence, l’aspect régional de cette politique est considéré comme une action ayant des enjeux essentiels pour le développement et le rayonnement de l’azerbaïdjanais comme langue minoritaire. / Policy Azerbaijani language must be studied in four different but closely related aspects : the language policy towards the official language, the language policy towards minority languages in Azerbaijan, the language policy towards the Turcophonie and the language policy against Azerbaijani minorities especially in neighboring countries such as Iran, Georgia or Russia (also the Republic of Dagestan of the Russian Federation). This set is for the language policy of Azerbaijan in both the official language intervention but also on minority languages from the state and an area of international cooperation in the case of Turcophonie. Consequently, the regional aspect of this policy is considered as an action that key issues for the development and influence of Azerbaijani as a minority language.

The increasing number of English language learners (ELL) in Florida's public schools has brought challenges to educational leaders as they work to provide educational opportunity to these children. In 1990, several community and activist groups filed a lawsuit against the Florida Department of Education to pressure it to provide adequate English language programs in all public schools. The lawsuit resulted in Floridas META Consent Decree (MCD), a legal accord by which Florida agreed to provide adequate teacher training and educational programs, thereby improving access to equal opportunity for ELLs. ELLs are also called limited English proficient (LEP) students in other states. This term was changed in Florida because the LEP label brought with it a negative connotation as it referred to proficiency within the learning of English as a limitation rather than as an asset. The study presents a comprehensive review of the MCD and its eleven main components. Through document and content analysis, the study intended to ix determine whether Florida's 67 public school districts comply with the decree and whether policies are in place to implement the court authorized processes. The study begins with an introduction, which includes historical data and Florida demographics that relate to the issue of second language learners. A review of the literature incorporates legal cases and pertinent educational policies that have preceded the decree. / The review also examined the major political and educational barriers that English language learners (ELL) encounter in Florida, as well as the research that suggests what programs and practices are required for successful second language learning. From the impact of antiimmigrant sentiments and English-only movements, to the League of United Latin-American Citizens (LULAC) v.FL Board of Education (1990) class action lawsuit, the study investigated the status of ELL programs in the state of Florida and the debates that surrounds them.The study intended to inform fellow educational leaders of these topics so that our work on behalf of K-12 ELLs can be more effective. Recognizing and preparing for the impact that the increasing numbers of ELLs will continue to have in Florida is an integral part of becoming a well-rounded educational leader and facilitates providing the services these students require, deserve, and to which they are entitled. The study also informs policymakers and practitioners of the pending needs and provides a roadmap to improving second language learning programs and practices in Florida. / by Maria de L. Rodriguez. / Vita / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2011. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2011. Mode of access: World Wide Web.