This thesis argues that to take into account only liberal interpretations of multicultural dilemmas would be insufficient and unrealistic in assessing the claims of justice for ethnocultural diversity. The current liberal approach as offered by Will Kymlicka is a good beginning for ethnic conflict management. However, his theory is marked by a number of limitations due to the fact that he operates only with the principles and norms of liberal institutions. In modern multiculturally constituted democracies, the presence and constant increase of cultural diversity challenges the self-understanding of liberal democracy. Kymlicka's liberal theory of multiculturalism has been challenged by several political theorists, who emphasize the insufficiency of his approach due its reliance on liberal readings of ethnic conflicts. [from Introduction, p. [1]]

The idea of a distinctly ‘liberal’ form of multiculturalism has emerged in the theory and practice of Western democracies and the international community has become actively engaged in its global dissemination via international norms and organizations. This thesis investigates the internationalization of minority rights, by exploring state-minority relations in Cambodia, in light of Will Kymlicka’s theory of multicultural citizenship. Based on extensive empirical research, the analysis explores the situation and aspirations of Cambodia’s ethnic Vietnamese, highland peoples, Muslim Cham, ethnic Chinese and Lao and the relationships between these groups and the state. All Cambodian regimes since independence have defined citizenship with reference to the ethnicity of the Khmer majority and have - often violently - enforced this conception through the assimilation of highland peoples and the Cham and the exclusion of ethnic Vietnamese and Chinese. Cambodia’s current constitution, too, defines citizenship ethnically. State-sponsored Khmerization systematically privileges members of the majority culture and marginalizes minority members politically, economically and socially. The thesis investigates various international initiatives aimed at promoting application of minority rights norms in Cambodia. It demonstrates that these initiatives have largely failed to accomplish a greater degree of compliance with international norms in practice. This failure can be explained by a number of factors, among them Cambodia’s neo-patrimonial political system, the geo-political fears of a ‘minoritized’ Khmer majority, the absence of effective regional security institutions, the lack of minority access to political decision-making, the significant differences between international and Cambodian conceptions of modern statehood and citizenship and the emergence of China as Cambodia’s most important bilateral donor and investor. Based on this analysis, the dissertation develops recommendations for a sequenced approach to minority rights promotion, with pragmatic, less ambitious shorter-term measures that work progressively towards achievement of international norms in the longer-term. / In der politischen Theorie und Praxis liberaler Demokratien hat sich die Idee eines explizit liberalen Multikulturalismus etabliert. Die internationale Gemeinschaft verbreitet diese Idee weltweit durch Völkerrechtsnormen und internationale Organisationen. Auf der Grundlage umfangreicher Feldforschung untersucht die vorliegende Dissertation die Internationalisierung von Minderheitenrechten am Beispiel Kambodschas. Dazu werden die Situation und Aspirationen von Kambodschas ethnischen Vietnamesen, Bergvölkern, islamischen Cham, ethnischen Chinesen und Laoten und das Verhältnis zwischen diesen Gruppen und dem Staat analysiert. Alle kambodschanischen Regimes seit der Unabhängigkeit haben Staatsbürgerschaft über die Ethnizität der Khmer Mehrheit definiert und diese Konzeption durch den Versuch der Assimilation der Bergvölker und Cham und den Ausschluss ethnischer Vietnamesen und Chinesen aktiv und oft gewaltsam zu verwirklichen versucht. Auch die aktuelle Verfassung definiert Mitgliedschaft im Gemeinwesen ethnisch. Das Streben des Staates nach der kulturellen ‚Khmerisation‘ der Bevölkerung privilegiert Mehrheitsmitglieder und marginalisiert Mitglieder kultureller Minderheiten politisch, wirtschaftlich und sozial. Trotz vielfältiger Initiativen ist die internationale Gemeinschaft daran gescheitert, in Kambodscha die Anwendung internationaler Minderheitenrechte zu erreichen. Die Analyse erklärt dieses Scheitern mit einer Reihe von Faktoren, darunter Kambodschas neo-patrimonialem Regierungssystem, den geo-politischen Ängsten einer ‚minoritisierten’ Khmer Mehrheit, dem Fehlen effektiver regionaler Sicherheitsinstitutionen, dem fehlenden Zugang von Minderheiten zu politischen Entscheidungsprozessen, den erheblichen Unterschieden zwischen internationalen und kambodschanischen Konzeptionen von moderner Staatlichkeit und Staatsbürgerschaft sowie der zunehmenden Bedeutung Chinas als Kambodschas wichtigstem bilateraler Geber und Investor. Auf der Grundlage dieser Analyse entwickelt die Arbeit Empfehlungen, wie die internationale Gemeinschaft mit einem sequenzierten Ansatz die schrittweise Annäherung an internationale Normen und deren langfristige Einhaltung erreichen kann.

SANTRAUKA Seksualinės mažumos – asmenų grupė, kurių lytinė orientacija, lytinė tapatybė, ar seksualinės charakteristikos skiriasi nuo daugumos gyventojų. Kadangi šis terminas yra labai platus, magistriniame darbe didžiausias dėmesys bus koncentruotas į LGBT bendruomenės narius. Juos sudaro lesbietės, gėjai, biseksualai ir transeksualai. Dėl visuomenėje susiformavusių stereotipų, šie asmenys dažnai susiduria su teisinės ir socialinės atskirties problema. Todėl seksualinių mažumų teisių ir laisvių užtikrinimas yra viena iš labiausiai diskutuojamų temų Lietuvoje ir pasaulyje. Magistro baigiamojo darbo tikslas – atliekant Lietuvos, Norvegijos, Nyderlandų ir Didžiosios Britanijos Konstitucinių žmogaus teisių ir įstatyminių nuostatų analizę, palyginti Lietuvos ir pasirinktų šalių užtikrinamas seksualinių mažumų teises ir laisves. Atsižvelgiant į atliktą lyginamąją analizę, pateikti išvadas, kurios atkleistų seksualinių mažumų teisių užtikrinimo padėtį Lietuvoje. Darbą sudaro įvadas, du skyriai ir išvados. Pirmoji darbo dalis skirta seksualinių mažumų sąvokos ir homoseksualios lytinės orientacijos sampratos atskleidimui, taip pat analizuojamos Lietuvos Respublikos Konstitucijoje įtvirtintos žmogaus teisės ir šalyje galiojantys įstatymai, kurie suteikia seksualinėms mažumoms teisę į apsaugą, lygiateisiškumą, saviraišką ir privatumą, aiškinamasi realus šių teisių įgyvendinimas. Antrame skyriuje analizuojama seksualinių mažumų teisinis reguliavimas Norvegijoje, Nyderlanduose ir... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / SUMMARY The objective of this Master‘s Thesis is to analyze and compare Lithuania, Norway, Netherlands and The Great Britain Constitutional human rights and legal provisions wich ensure the rights and freedoms of sexual minorities. With regard to the comparative analysis of the present findings, disclosed the sexual minority rights in Lithuania. The Thesis consists of an introduction followed by two chapters and conclusions. The first chapter deals with the conceptions of sexual minorities and homosexual orientation. Also analyzed the Lithuanian Constitutional human rights and legal provisions wich provide the right to protection, equality, freedom of expression and privacy of sexual minorities. The second section consist legal acts analysis wich regulate sexual minorities rights in Norway, Netherlands and Great Britain. Specifying Constitutional rights and statutory provisions which are providing legal rights to protection, equality, freedom of expression and privacy of sexual minorities. Analyze and compare Lithuania, Norway, Netherlands and Great Britain Constitutional human rights and legal provisions wich ensure the rights and freedoms of sexual minorities. Sexual minorities are groups of people whose sexual orientation, gender identity or sexual characteristics are different from the presumed majority of the population, which are male or female heterosexuals. The term referred primarily to lesbians and gays, bisexuals and transgender people. These four categories... [to full text]

This thesis considers the education of children of immigrants in Finland, focusing on attainment and transitions around the age of 16. It is the first detailed representative study on the topic in Finland. Compared to international research it is amongst the ones to most fully explore the different aspects of education around this age. For the most part, it is limited to studying structural explanations for differences between students and ethnic groups. The majority of the analyses in the thesis are done using register data. Statistical modelling of this data is done using multivariate regression analyses. The results are supplemented with evidence from interviews with both majority students and children of immigrants. With regards to school achievement at the end of comprehensive school, many immigrant-origin groups are seen to have lower average grades than the majority. However, this is explained by lower parental resources. After controlling for parental resources, very few disadvantages remain. On the other hand, the gender gap evident amongst the majority is not found amongst many immigrant-origin groups. Looking at continuation to upper secondary education compared to dropping out, most children of immigrants are seen to have a higher probability of dropping out than the majority. This is explained by their lower school achievement and higher parental non-employment. Nevertheless, the difference between children of immigrants and the majority remains evident at the very low end of the achievement scale. Considering the choice of upper secondary school type, children of immigrants can be seen to be more likely than the majority to continue to vocational school. Yet, after controlling for prior school achievement and parental resources, almost all immigrant-origin groups are more likely than the majority to continue to general rather than vocational school. Interviews suggest that when considering their school choices, majority students tend to be driven by their interests and see their decision making as being independent of others. On the other hand, children of immigrants tend to have more specific future plans and to take the wishes of their parents more into consideration.

Evidence has shown that Multisystemic Therapy (MST) an intensive family- and community-based intervention has been particularly effective in the treatment of youth with antisocial behaviour from ethnically diverse backgrounds. Although the process of change within MST has been explored, there is a dearth of research in looking at this for families from ethnic minority backgrounds. The current research aimed to address this gap by exploring the experiences of a sample of London based caregivers who had completed an MST intervention. A qualitative approach was adopted, using grounded theory methodology to explore ethnic minority caregiver experiences of MST and generate a model of the processes of engagement and change based on participants' accounts. Seven semi-structured interviews were carried out with caregivers from two London sites. The emergent model consisted of seven interacting theoretical codes. Three of these codes were organised around the process of engagement; deciding to engage with MST, becoming therapeutically aligned and considering cultural difference, and four related to the process of change; working within a safe and trusting relationship, therapist acting as cultural broker, empowering the parent and increased communication within and outside the family. The author makes novel suggestions relating to the specific mechanisms that are thought to underlie the process of engaging with MST, and highlights the importance of considering cultural difference in the initial stages of the MST intervention.

his study compares ethnic, age, and gender differences concerning attitudes and behaviors toward death, dying, and bereavement among Caucasian, African, Hispanic, and Asian American adult participants in north Texas with the results of a 1976 study by Kalish and Reynolds on death attitudes and behaviors of Caucasian, African, Mexican, and Japanese American adult participants in Los Angeles, California. A modified version of Kalish and Reynolds' study questionnaire was administered to 526 respondents (164 Caucasian, 100 African, 205 Hispanic, and 57 Asian Americans) recruited from community and church groups. Findings of this study were compared with those of Kalish and Reynolds in specific areas, including experience with death, attitudes toward one's own death, dying, and afterlife, and attitudes toward the dying, death, or grief of someone else. Data was analyzed employing the same statistical tools as those used by Kalish and Reynolds, i.e., chi square calculations, frequencies, percentages, averages, and analyses of variance. As compared with the earlier study, results indicated that this study's participants were less likely to have known as many persons who had died recently or to state they would try very hard to control grief emotions in public. Present study participants were more likely to have visited dying persons, to want to be informed if they were dying and believe that others should be informed when dying, to prefer to die at home, to have made arrangements to donate their bodies or body parts to medicine, to have seriously talked with others about their future deaths, to consider the appropriateness of mourning practices and the comparative tragedy of age of death from a relative standpoint, and to want to spend the final six months of their lives showing concern for others. Between study differences were found in ethnic group, age group, and gender group comparisons. Within study differences in death and dying attitudes were also found in this study among ethnic, age, and gender groups.

This dissertation is a cross-national investigation of the relationship between cultural heterogeneity and regimes' respect for basic human rights. The quantitative human rights literature has not yet addressed the question of whether high levels of cultural diversity are beneficial or harmful. My research addresses this gap. I address the debate between those who argue that diversity is negatively related to basic human rights protection and those who argue it is likely to improve respect for these rights. Ultimately, I propose that regimes in diverse countries will be less likely to provide an adequate level of subsistence (otherwise known as basic human needs) and security rights (also known as integrity of the person rights) to their citizens than regimes in more homogeneous countries. Using a data set of 106 non-OECD countries for the years 1983 and 1993, I employ bivariate, linear multivariate regression, and causal modeling techniques to test whether higher levels of ethnolinguistic and religious diversity are associated with less regime respect for subsistence and security rights. The analysis reveals that higher levels of cultural diversity do appear to lead to lower respect for subsistence rights. However, counter to the hypothesized relationship, high levels of diversity appear to be compatible with high levels of respect for security rights.

No description available.

No description available.

For approximately seven years, the number of Black students enrolled in upper-level science courses (e.g., Chemistry, Human Physiology, Physics) is proportionately lower than the number of non-Black students a.t Palatka South High School, Palatka, Florida.On the surface, this low enrollment appears to coincide with the fact that there are more non-Black students than Black students enrolled in the school. However, if one were to examine closely the total number of Black students enrolled in upperlevel science courses from the school's total Black student population enrolled in science classes, and compare it to the school's total non-Black population enrolled in science courses, it would be evident that there exists a significant amount of disproportion between Black and non-Black enrollment in upper-level science courses. If this trend also exists at the County, State, and even the National level, it would be a major factor in the nation's shortage of minority scientific manpower.The area of science is forever expanding, providing excellent career opportunities, job advancement and security with good salaries. Given the opportunity for leadership and worthwhile contributions as a professional in the scientific community, Dr. Robert Flakes of Florida A & M University has concluded that "Blacks are under-represented in the science and science-related industries of this country."