There is no doubt that relevant and up-to-date elementary school curriculum is vital for the adequate education and socialization of youth, however, when a society is characterized by ideological pluralism and multiple visions of morality the debates over curriculum can be acrimonious and tempestuous. These debates are particularly heated when sex education is concerned since adults in Western society have a longstanding cultural discomfort with child and adolescent sexual knowledge and, more specifically, there is a strong belief that sexual knowledge compromises the “natural” innocence and ignorance of young people. This research focuses on a debate that occurred in Ontario in April and May of 2010 after the Government attempted to revise Health and Physical Education curriculum for grades 1-8, the subject that contains sex education. Following considerable backlash, the Ontario Premier shelved the proposed revisions a mere 54 hours after the curriculum was publicized. What led to this curriculum being received so poorly by the public and what were the contributing factors that led to this abrupt reconsideration? My research examines the debate that the new sex education curriculum produced and draws attention to the ways in which the deep seated anxieties of adults regarding adolescent and child sexual knowledge were able to overpower the voices of researchers and educational experts who were promoting the revisions. Some adults were concerned about the way that the curriculum presented a particularly liberal vision of sexual morality and argued that the new content would corrupt, mislead, and confuse youth. Though there were some individuals and groups who supported the revisions, arguing that they were relevant, necessary and overdue, their voices were not as organized or influential as the religious and social conservatives who dominated the debate. I argue that the proposed revisions to the Ontario sex education curriculum failed to gain public support because of the Government’s inability to adequately prepare for and mediate the Province’s competing liberal and conservative sexual ideologies. In my defense of the abandoned revisions, I explore how they failed to gain support not only because of the vociferous opposition of conservative religious groups who did not want to see a more liberal vision of sexual morality in the curriculum, but also due to a longstanding cultural discomfort with child and adolescent sexual knowledge and an unwillingness to fully affirm non-heterosexual identities and practices within the education system. / Thesis (Master, Sociology) -- Queen's University, 2011-06-07 14:50:24.526

The purpose of this study was to plan the provision of education for the Griquas in South Africa within the context of the educational rights of minority groups. Its main focus was on how to make the education system in South Africa more responsive to the histories, heritages, life experiences and cultural conditioning of the Griquas as a minority group in all its policymaking, programme planning and instructional practices. International trends have shown that the rights of minority groups have been described in different treaties and conventions of international organisations such as the United Nations (UN), the European Community (EC) and the United Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO). These rights focused on two main issues, namely the right to own identity and the right not to be discriminated against. In order to implement the above acknowledged rights (which include the educational rights) of minority groups, several countries have implemented specific measures in their respective education systems, thereby serving the particular religious and/or cultural needs of minority groups in their countries. In nation-states across the world a situation has developed that, while the world is experiencing globalisation of, for example, trade and communication, the area of control and power is being questioned by groups on a regional level. It is primarily minority groups, defined by their ethnic or cultural distinctiveness, in the relevant nation states, that are seeking to obtain more direct control over their own affairs. Experience has furthermore shown that national unity is not endangered by the recognition of the rights of minority groups but is promoted if the rights of minorities are recognised in a country. In the educational arena it has become clear that the focus of education should be to equip each learner with the required knowledge, skills and attitudes to effectively fulfil his/her different roles in life. With regard to the issue of the relationship between the minority group and the educational institution, the trend has been to focus on specific educational institutions in order to provide in the minority groups' educational needs. The characteristics and culture of a particular educational institution should be acceptable to the minority group to ensure that the particular minority group takes ownership of it. In the light of the above information the educational needs of the Griquas, as a case study, were determined by using the focus group discussion as a technique according to the qualitative research method. The results ofthe focus groups were then compared with the findings of the literature study. In order to make the necessary adjustments, the method of strategic educational planning was used in order to provide in the educational needs of the Griquas. The following trends emerged, amongst others: universal primary education, a diversified high school curriculum with emphasis on science, technology and agriculture, local control of education by the Griquas and special arrangements and/or alternatives for schooling. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Potchefstroom University for Christian Higher Education, 2001

The purpose of this study was to plan the provision of education for the Griquas in South Africa within the context of the educational rights of minority groups. Its main focus was on how to make the education system in South Africa more responsive to the histories, heritages, life experiences and cultural conditioning of the Griquas as a minority group in all its policymaking, programme planning and instructional practices. International trends have shown that the rights of minority groups have been described in different treaties and conventions of international organisations such as the United Nations (UN), the European Community (EC) and the United Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO). These rights focused on two main issues, namely the right to own identity and the right not to be discriminated against. In order to implement the above acknowledged rights (which include the educational rights) of minority groups, several countries have implemented specific measures in their respective education systems, thereby serving the particular religious and/or cultural needs of minority groups in their countries. In nation-states across the world a situation has developed that, while the world is experiencing globalisation of, for example, trade and communication, the area of control and power is being questioned by groups on a regional level. It is primarily minority groups, defined by their ethnic or cultural distinctiveness, in the relevant nation states, that are seeking to obtain more direct control over their own affairs. Experience has furthermore shown that national unity is not endangered by the recognition of the rights of minority groups but is promoted if the rights of minorities are recognised in a country. In the educational arena it has become clear that the focus of education should be to equip each learner with the required knowledge, skills and attitudes to effectively fulfil his/her different roles in life. With regard to the issue of the relationship between the minority group and the educational institution, the trend has been to focus on specific educational institutions in order to provide in the minority groups' educational needs. The characteristics and culture of a particular educational institution should be acceptable to the minority group to ensure that the particular minority group takes ownership of it. In the light of the above information the educational needs of the Griquas, as a case study, were determined by using the focus group discussion as a technique according to the qualitative research method. The results ofthe focus groups were then compared with the findings of the literature study. In order to make the necessary adjustments, the method of strategic educational planning was used in order to provide in the educational needs of the Griquas. The following trends emerged, amongst others: universal primary education, a diversified high school curriculum with emphasis on science, technology and agriculture, local control of education by the Griquas and special arrangements and/or alternatives for schooling. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Potchefstroom University for Christian Higher Education, 2001

The main purpose of the present study is to explore the tendencies regarding identity definition of young generation educated Arabs who are Israeli citizens. The internal and external dynamics in the 1990s are investigated in relation to their impact on the identity formation of young generation educated Arabs in Israel. The aspirations and demands of the case study group on the civic and national grounds are analyzed. The research topic is focused on the changing attitudes of the Arab community in Israel by taking into consideration of previous years but putting emphasis on the recent decade. The common ground among the highly educated Israeli-Arabs is analyzed by questioning citizenship and minority rights. In-depth interviewing, observation and literature analysis were used as data collection techniques. Fieldwork has been done in Israel during the summer 2001. A qualitative study, using in-depth interviews with 9 selected educated young Arabs has been applied. All interviews were recorded, transcribed and the transcribed texts were used for discourse analysis. During the interviews political opinions, obstacles to powersharing and areas of discrimination, daily life, definition of national and civic identity, opinions on current issues throughout the world and in the region, education, language, culture and role as an educated group were inquired. Findings indicate that young generation educated Arabs of Israel under the impact of two processes Israelization and Palestinization, are radical in their attitudes. On the one hand, the new generation intellectuals have more or less succeeded to integrate to the Israeli society, but on the other hand their awareness of their personal/social and collective identity as a Palestinian citizen of Israel is high. Increased civic and national aspects led to a shift in their identity definitions. In this sense, they carry the characteristics of the new political trend which claims recognition for Arabs collectively as a national minority within the Israeli system. They prefer to be called as Palestinians who are Israeli citizens.

This thesis analyzes the evolution of minority protection in general and Greece&rsquo / s minority policies in Western Thrace especially since the beginning of 1990s. The examination of the definition and the scope of the term minority is followed by the analysis of the evolution of minority rights since Westphalia Agreement to Framework Convention for Protection of National Minorities to facilitate the analysis of the evolution of Greek minority policies. The thesis includes the history of Greek minority policy since its establishment to compare and contrast the continuities and changes of the Greek minority policies before and after 1990s. This thesis also seeks to find the causes of continuities and changes of the Greek minority policy along with detailed analysis of the policies and practices after 1990s, and argues that the Greek minority policy in Western Thrace basically presents continuity with its exclusivist and ethnocentric tendencies in spite of minor modifications due to the circumstantial factors.

The thesis presents theoretical approaches to the issue of national minorities and seeks to include two specific cases - Slovakia and Hungary - into this theoretical spectrum. Slovak and Hungarian minorities in Hungary and Slovakia respective are characterized at the same time. Territorial delimitation is obvious, time delimitation is primarily based in the first decade of the new millennium, ending in 2010. Theoretical part of the thesis is divided into two parts - first dealing with national and ethnic minorities (various classifications, terminology and characteristics), second with possible approaches of states to their national minorities (discussed are all conceivable approaches from the least favorable to the friendliest one). The practical part is divided into two main chapters, namely by surveyed countries - Slovakia and Hungary. Both of these chapters deal with national minorities in a given country, with the characteristics of these minorities and their legal status. Analysis of legal statuses of these minorities is based on international treaties, constitutions and laws of both countries. While Slovakia provides its minorities only with individual rights, Hungary introduced quite unusual system of personal cultural and schooling autonomy. The conclusion attempts to find the most...

Power-sharing democratic models, such as consociationalism, are becoming a fundamental solution for divided societies. Consociationalism aims to divide power between the majority segments of a plural society using four characteristics: grand coalition, segmental autonomy, proportionality, and mutual veto. Bosnia and Herzegovina has used this to end the three-and-a-half-year war, which resulted in dividing the balance of power between the country’s three constituent peoples. One of the biggest downfalls of consociationalism can be attributed to its focus on group rights over individual rights. This thesis aims to understand the relationship between consociationalism and human rights, specifically minority political rights, by using Bosnia and Herzegovina as a case study. The relationship is established with the help of the Dayton Peace Agreement and cases from the European Court of Human Rights. The results demonstrate a distinct connection between the right to political participation for minorities and consociationalism, leading to a human rights violation.

This dissertation examines the ‘failed’ forced migration of the Kashmiri Sikh community after they became targets of an attack carried out by unknown perpetrators on March 20th, 2000, in Chittisinghpora, a quiet Sikh village hidden away in the mountains of South Kashmir. Claiming the lives of thirty-five Sikh men from the village, the attack was a first for Sikhs who by all accounts had been ‘spared’ the violence of the Kashmir conflict and had been living peacefully in Kashmir Valley for generations. Although no one knows who perpetrated the attack or why, speculation runs rife that its foremost purpose was to trigger a mass displacement of Sikhs from the region. Yet, after days of contemplating whether they should move, the Sikhs stayed. If indeed the aim of the violence was to trigger a mass displacement, then what explains why the Kashmiri Sikhs were not displaced? Using Chittisinghpora as an entry point, my dissertation aims to interrogate displacement as a response to violence. I use the term ‘rootedness’, which Myron Weiner describes as a sort of territorial ethnicity with which people make claims to a space, to describe the Sikh decision to stay and argue the ability (and desire) of people to continue living in a place of violence may be construed as an act of resistance not only to the intended consequence of violence, in this case displacement, but to the violence itself. Examining a failed forced migration, therefore, allows us to understand not only the circumstances under which a community resists getting displaced despite experiencing violence but also how people continue to live in the place of violence. To understand Sikh rootedness in Kashmir, I conducted ethnographic research in Kashmir over a period of eight months in 2018 and follow up visits in March 2019 and 2021, during which I collected over 100 interviews with Sikhs and Muslims in North, South and central Kashmir, and completed several hours of observation every week. Additionally, I collected data from newspaper archives located in Punjab and historical archives located in New Delhi. I explain Sikh rootedness as a function of two main factors: 1) the precarity that comes with being a group that is neither considered the ally of the Indian state nor of the Muslims, which allows Sikhs to negotiate safety and 2) the landedness of Kashmiri Sikhs, and to a lesser extent, their employment in government which are economic anchors. Together, both factors allow Sikhs to assert social and economic agency and maintain a peaceful ‘coexistence’ with Muslims, enough to justify remaining rooted. Although the focus on displacement in migration studies is certainly warranted given the massive numbers of people displaced due to conflict, the fact is that not everyone can, or wants to, leave. Given this, a focus on what keeps people rooted is urgently needed. In the scholarship on Kashmir, displacement has been a predominant theme, given the large-scale exodus of the Kashmiri Hindus (Pandits) following an escalation of violence in the state in the 1990s. This has led to an unfortunate communalization of much of the discourse that comes out of Kashmir, and also sometimes reduced it to a ‘Hindu-Muslim’ or ‘India-Pakistan’ conflict. Sikhs are predominantly absent from this scholarship. Even in the discipline of Critical Kashmir Studies which has sought to focus on the people’s experiences of conflict rather than a religious or statist narratives, Sikhs experiences in and of conflict, remain missing. Understanding their lived experience in Kashmir, therefore, attempts to correct this erasure and also disrupts binary discourses. / Geography

Different reports imply that the Roma are an excluded group in numerous areas of both Sweden and Europe. Efforts have been done through the centuries without given intentional results. The past 12 years as a Swedish national minority have not diminished the gap between the Roma and the majority society. How does Sweden create and operate its minority policy especially towards the Roma? We have studied international and national minority policy to see how it is described and implemented in the municipality work. Malmö is the base of our study because of its high population of the Roma from various groups. Malmö is also one of the pilot municipalities in the governmental venture for including the Roma into the society. To obtain information we have analyzed governmental documents and minority rights and complemented those with interviews with politicians, community workers in the minority field. A lot of effort and work are being done in Malmö to change the situation of the Roma. Our informants gave an impression of feeling confident and hopeful towards the future. At the same time we feel a lack of discussion about the essence of minority policy and the possible negativity in “helping” the Roma as a minority group. We also think it’s important to question the meaning of recognition to motivate what efforts should be done in the minority field. By this study we hope to demonstrate the complexity that lies within the field of minority policy in general and regarding the Roma in particular.

The theory of liberal multiculturalism is based on a normative concept of liberalism leading to the implication of recognized cultural minority rights. However, there is no clear depiction of how liberal multiculturalism responds to the case of different cultural groups placing claims over one same excludable resource. In this thesis I analyze if there are any viable solutions to the uncertainties of conflicting cultural group claims within liberal multiculturalism. I use the practical case of Kven and Sami land claims to illustrate the consequences of the theory. Finding that legitimate claims to rights cannot be simply retracted, I provide two solutions involving sharing the resource in question. Both solutions resonate differently with the definition of culture and principles of liberal multiculturalism. The solutions involve cultural ownership. As we will see, this comes with certain infringements on the concept of the liberal self. I find that there is no unequivocal solution to the dilemmas described, however, I argue that collective ownership is the solution most consistent with liberal multiculturalism.