Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-07-18T11:43:47Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Raphael de Matos Cardoso.pdf: 1005551 bytes, checksum: 885477c414449b502cf9dd2a9053b337 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-18T11:43:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Raphael de Matos Cardoso.pdf: 1005551 bytes, checksum: 885477c414449b502cf9dd2a9053b337 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-21 / The determination of morality (which has as antitheses the impropriety and the corruption), especially since the promulgation of Law 12.846/2013, received new focus and was even transported to the objective field, which motivated this study, whose objects of investigation are: the difference between civil responsability and administrative responsability, and the determination of the legal nature of the sanctions applied under the latter, as well as its place in administrative sanction law, where the administrative wrongdoing is also situated, presupposes the subjective element. Having analyzed these matters, we place the legal person in its proper place regarding infractions and administrative sanctions under the Law 8.429/92 and the Law 12.846/2013 / A apuração da moralidade (que tem como antíteses a improbidade e a corrupção), especialmente a partir da promulgação da Lei nº 12.846/2013, recebeu novo foco e foi transportada para o campo objetivo, o que motivou este estudo, cujos objetos de investigação são: a diferença entre a responsabilidade civil e a responsabilidade administrativa, e a apuração da natureza jurídica das sanções aplicadas no âmbito desta última, bem como o seu lugar no direito administrativo sancionador, onde também está situado o ilícito administrativo, que tem como pressuposto o elemento subjetivo. Analisadas essas matérias, posicionamos a pessoa jurídica no seu devido lugar no tocante às infrações e sanções administrativas no âmbito da Lei nº 8.429/92 e da Lei nº 12.846/2013

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-12-11T12:41:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Adair Loredo dos Santos.pdf: 1125875 bytes, checksum: 1d3818285716300d123b1f56dd164d7b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-12-11T12:41:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Adair Loredo dos Santos.pdf: 1125875 bytes, checksum: 1d3818285716300d123b1f56dd164d7b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-10-29 / In this study, the administrations of mayors of Gilberto Kassab and Fernando Haddad were analyzed with the intention of demonstrating the performance of democratic controls in the fight against corruption, as well as the practices in the public policy of the city of Sao Paulo during the period of their administrations. As a result, the case known as the "Audit Tax Mafia" was analyzed, which shows the State's fragility in containing, restraining, and extirpating these criminal organizations located within its core. It also emphasizes the importance of administrative actions and decisions aimed at interfering in partisan and personal political interests, or as reinforcers of practices of corruption and disorder. The study demonstrates that the institutional apparatus, which should exercise the function of control, suffers numerous negative interferences and, to a large extent, treats the cases superficially and without the rigor that a realignment of paths would require, as well as in the sphere of Justice. As a result, corruption becomes "institutionalized" and becomes a part of the current politicaladministrative system, within a promiscuous correlation between the executive and legislative branches and several other agents, among them lies a section of public officials / Neste estudo foram analisadas as práticas na política pública do município de São Paulo, no período das gestões dos prefeitos Gilberto Kassab e Fernando Haddad, a fim de demonstrar a atuação dos controles democráticos no combate à corrupção. Para isso, analisou-se o caso conhecido como “Máfia dos Auditores Fiscais”, o qual mostra a fragilidade do Estado em conter, coibir e em extirpar essas organizações criminosas instaladas em seu cerne. Além de ressaltar a importância de ações e decisões administrativas voltadas para a ingerência de interesses políticos partidários e pessoais, ou como reforçadores de práticas de corrupção e de desmandos. O estudo demonstra que o aparato institucional, que deveria exercer a função de controladoria, sofre inúmeras interferências negativas e, em grande parte, trata os casos de maneira superficial e sem o rigor que uma correção de rota exigiria, inclusive na esfera da Justiça. Com isso, a corrupção acaba “institucionalizada” e como parte do sistema políticoadministrativo vigente, numa correlação promíscua entre os poderes executivo, legislativo e diversos outros agentes, dentre eles, uma parte de funcionários públicos

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-04-06T12:48:31Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Kleber Bispo dos Santos.pdf: 1476369 bytes, checksum: 4b9e17fc7f4f7b932833463fdb9eb1d3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-06T12:48:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Kleber Bispo dos Santos.pdf: 1476369 bytes, checksum: 4b9e17fc7f4f7b932833463fdb9eb1d3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-30 / The leniency agreement stated by Brazilian Law no. 12.846/2013, also known as Anticorruption Act, is an extremely useful tool in preventing corruption because it provides for severe administrative sanctions to legal entities involved in practices that harm both domestic and foreign Public Administration, particularly in major agreements involving public works, infrastructure and the rendering of public services. However, before enactment of the Anticorruption Act, the Misconduct in Office Act, in Article 3, already provided for the liability of legal entities that induce, cooperate or benefit from misconduct practices, which are defined by law as being similar, and sometimes equal to the harmful practices outlined by the Anticorruption Law. In such a scenario, where two systems defining liability for legal entities coexist, and in view of the uncertainties and legal insecurity surrounding the adoption of leniency agreements, which is why this institute is scarcely used, and which in our view represents a drawback for society, we endeavor to present a reading and an interpretation of so valuable an institute by applying the principles enshrined in the Federal Constitution and by approaching issues such as the relevant requirements, the possibility to refuse a proposal, the agents endowed with competence to enter into leniency agreements, the effects thereof on other spheres or systems defining liability, with specific focus on the system under the Misconduct in Office Act, and also on the possibility that leniency agreements be made by legal entities under the system defining liability provided for the Misconduct in Office Act– Law no. 8429/92 / O acordo de leniência, previsto na Lei n. 12.846/2013, conhecida como Lei Anticorrupção, é instrumento de grande utilidade na prevenção à corrupção por prever severas sanções administrativas às pessoas jurídicas envolvidas em atos lesivos à Administração Pública nacional e estrangeira, sobretudo nos grandes contratos de obras públicas, infraestrutura e prestação de serviços públicos. Todavia, antes do advento da Lei Anticorrupção, a Lei de Improbidade Administrativa, por força do seu artigo terceiro, já previa a responsabilização de pessoas jurídicas que induzissem, concorressem ou se beneficiassem desses atos de improbidade administrativa, que em sua tipificação se assemelham e em algumas hipóteses até mesmo coincidem com os atos lesivos previstos na Lei Anticorrupção. Diante desse cenário, em que coexistem os dois sistemas de responsabilização das pessoas jurídicas, e considerando-se as incertezas e insegurança jurídica que giram em torno da adoção do instituto do acordo de leniência e que tem acarretado a sua pouca utilização, o que a nosso ver é uma perda para a coletividade, envidamos esforços para apresentar uma leitura e interpretação desse valioso instituto jurídico através da aplicação dos princípios previstos na Constituição Federal, abordando questões como requisitos para celebração, possibilidade de recusa da proposta, agentes competentes para celebração, efeitos sobre outras esferas ou sistemas de responsabilização com enfoque especial no sistema da Lei de Improbidade Administrativa, e ainda, sobre a possibilidade de celebração do acordo de leniência pelas pessoas jurídicas no sistema de responsabilização da Lei de Improbidade Administrativa - Lei n. 8.429/92

The study critically examined the implementation of Public Accountability strategies and mechanisms: A case of Buffalo City Municipality. The problem statement gave emphases on the multiple cases drawn from stats reflected in domestic surveys that shows how corruption and maladministration have impacted the province negatively as well as the extreme poverty lines that dominate the communities in the republic and also the province. The New Public Management Theory was used to interpret the manner in which the participants were expected to give their views on leadership and accountability among others key issues. The objectives of the study were to; To assess the mechanisms implemented by Buffalo City Municipality., To explore the challenges affecting public accountability enforcement mechanisms in Buffalo City Municipality towards eradicating corruption, Determine the manner through which the Buffalo City Municipality can adopt tried and tested mechanism from Regional, national & international case studies on how to effective enforce public accountability for the sustainable management and curbing of corruption for effective and efficient service delivery and to recommend new mechanisms which Buffalo City Municipality can utilise in enforcing public accountability towards eradicating corruption in its institutions in order to encourage sustainable community development through service delivery. The study adopted a case study approach based on a mixed method paradigm where data was collected through a questionnaire, interviews and document analysis. Case studies are normally associated with qualitative research, but can also be used as a method of inquiry employing a positivist epistemology and ontology. A total sample of 50 participants was chosen through a non-probability sampling technique. The major findings of the study reflected that there is a huge break in communication between government and the citizens in the locality while also establishing that the mechanisms currently being used were only as good as the factors influencing their implementation among other issues. Major recommendations included community engagement, capacity building and skills development, retention and expansion, lack of resources, promote individual independence of the community and the enhancement the Public Participation Unit.

Scholars of human rights and constitutional law have described in great detail the abuses perpetrated by the armed forces and secret services of the United States in the context of the ‘war on terror’. There is copious literature explaining why these violations of fundamental human rights are not justifiable, and why they are not consistent with international treaties or that nation’s constitution. This thesis builds upon this research, but strikes out in a new direction. It does so by asking whether these abuses, combined with the changes to the legal order of the United States that made them possible, have produced a qualitative transformation of its constitutional structure. In particular, this thesis tracks the empowering of the executive. Increasingly, whenever it purports to act in the interests of national security, the executive claims the authority to act unilaterally in a manner that overrides even non-derogable rights. These novel constitutional reserve powers, which this thesis demonstrates were derived from President Nixon’s theory of the executive, were used to justify indefinite arbitrary detention, torture, mass surveillance without warrants, and extra-judicial execution. This thesis seeks to determine if the constitutional crisis inaugurated by this theory of executive supremacy over the laws has been terminated, or whether it has continued into the Obama Administration. If this theory is current within the executive branch, and especially if the violations of jus cogens norms has continued, it signifies a cross-party consensus about a paradigm shift in American constitutionalism. Accordingly, given the fact that the abuse of executive supremacy is what led to the development of the rule of law, this thesis will ask the question of whether the United States is being governed in accordance with its basic minimum norms. This thesis explores whether the executive is still subject to checks and balances from the legislature and the judiciary, such that it cannot violate non-derogable rights at will and with impunity. If the contrary proposition is true, it demonstrates that the crisis of the rule of law in the United States is ongoing, and this permanent state of exception demands significantly more scholarly attention. / Public, Constitutional, and International Law / LLD

Thesis (MPA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Corruption affects the lives of everyone in South Africa and can thus be characterised as a common enemy. Fraud and corruption especially in the procurement systems is one of the major contributors of annual losses the Western Cape Provincial Government incurs. Since the introduction of computerised procurement systems, also known as e-procurement, the occurrence of fraud and corruption has substantially increased as soon as individuals familiarize themselves with the system. The Western Cape Provincial Government will save a huge amount of money if fraud and corruption could be prevented and limited. These funds could be put to better use and result to better service delivery. The Government has therefore developed many policies and strategies to try to combat and prevent corruption in procurement both in the public and private sector. This study examines the perceptions of key stakeholders on the appropriateness of the strategies in place to prevent fraud and corruption in the provincial procurement system by particularly looking at the achievements and limitations that have been experienced. The focal point is the Western Cape Provincial Treasury since they are currently the owners of the computerised procurement system. The study also includes an assessment of the role of the Western Cape Provincial Treasury in general in fighting fraud and corruption in public procurement. The research methods utilised include a comprehensive review of documentation published by the provincial government with regard to fraud and corruption as well as perceptions of key stakeholders on the appropriateness of anti-corruption policies and strategies in the Western Cape Provincial Government. Government has, in its commitment to fight corruption, established various anti-corruption agencies, developed a number of programmes and introduced numerous legislative frameworks. The Western Cape Government in particular has developed a transversal Anti-corruption Strategy to provide a framework within which to combat fraud, corruption and theft in the province. All provincial departments are encouraged to maintain a zerotolerance against corruption by developing and implementing a Fraud and Corruption policy within their various departments. The proper implementation of the anti-corruption policy is imperative for the prevention of fraud and corruption. Western Cape Provincial Treasury, as the custodian of the LOGIS procurement system in the Western Cape, plays a vital role in promoting compliance to relevant legislation by implementing anti-corruption strategies. It is apparent that different anti-corruption strategies to control and manage fraud and corruption in procurement do exist, but its appropriateness differs from department to department. Anti-corruption strategies will only be successful when it eliminates the occurrence of fraud and when perpetrators are caught and executed. Management should play a vital role in identifying and combating corruption in departments. Employees should be made aware of the consequences if they should commit any fraudulent acts. Furthermore, all officials should be encouraged to report any fraudulent incidents. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Korrupsie beïnvloed die lewens van almal in Suid-Afrika en kan dus gedefinieer word as 'n gemeenskaplike vyand. Bedrog en korrupsie, veral in die verkryging stelsels is een van die grootste bydraers van die jaarlikse verliese die wat die Wes-Kaapse Provinsiale Regering aangaan. Sedert die bekendstelling van die gerekenariseerde verkryging stelsels, ook bekend as e-verkryging, het die voorkoms van bedrog en korrupsie aansienlik verhoog sodra individue hulself vertroud maak met die stelsel. Die Wes-Kaapse Provinsiale Regering sal 'n groot bedrae geld bespaar as bedrog en korrupsie voorkom en beperk kan word. Hierdie fondse kan op op sy beurt beter aangewend word en kan tot beter dienslewering lei. Die Regering het baie beleide en strategieë ontwikkel om korrupsie te probeer verhoed en te bestry - beide in die openbare en private sektor. Hierdie studie ondersoek die persepsies van belanghebbendes oor die toepaslikheid van die strategieë om bedrog en korrupsie in die provinsiale verkryging stelsel te voorkom deur veral te kyk na die prestasies en beperkings wat ondervind is. Die fokuspunt is die Wes-Kaapse Provinsiale Tesourie, aangesien hulle tans die eienaars van die gerekenariseerde verkryging stelsel is. Die studie sluit ook 'n evaluering van die rol wat die Wes-Kaapse Provinsiale Tesourie speel om bedrog en korrupsie in die openbare verkryging stelsel te voorkom. Die navorsingsmetodes wat gebruik is sluit in ‘n omvattende opname van die dokumentasie wat deur die provinsiale regering gepubliseer is met betrekking tot bedrog en korrupsie asook persepsies van belanghebbendes oor die toepaslikheid van anti-korrupsie beleide en strategieë in die Wes-Kaapse Provinsiale Regering. In sy verbintenis om korrupsie te beveg, het die regering verskeie anti-korrupsie agentskappe ingestel, 'n aantal programme ontwikkel en talle wetgewende raamwerke bekend gestel. Die Wes-Kaapse regering het in die besonder 'n dwarsleggende Anti-korrupsie strategie ontwikkel om 'n raamwerk te voorsien waarbinne bedrog, korrupsie en diefstal in die provinsie bekamp kan word. Alle provinsiale departemente word aangemoedig om 'n “zero tolerance” teen korrupsie te handhaaf deur die ontwikkeling en implementering van 'n bedrog en korrupsie beleid binne hul onderskeie departemente. Die behoorlike implementering van die anti-korrupsie beleid is noodsaaklik vir die voorkoming van bedrog en korrupsie. Wes-Kaapse Provinsiale Tesourie, as die bewaarder van die LOGIS verkryging stelsel in die Wes-Kaap, speel 'n belangrike rol in die voldoening aan toepaslike wetgewing deur die implementering van anti-korrupsie strategieë. Dit is duidelik dat verskillende anti-korrupsie strategieë om bedrog en korrupsie te beheer en te voorkom wel bestaan, maar die toepaslikheid verskil van departement tot departement. Anti-korrupsie strategieë sal slegs suksesvol wees wanneer dit die voorkoms van bedrog elimineer en wanneer oortreders gevang en tereggestel word. Bestuur moet 'n belangrike rol speel in die identifisering en die bekamping van korrupsie in departemente. Werknemers moet bewus gemaak word van die gevolge indien hulle enige bedrieglike dade pleeg. Verder moet alle amptenare aangemoedig word om enige bedrieglike voorvalle aan te meld.

Scholars of human rights and constitutional law have described in great detail the abuses perpetrated by the armed forces and secret services of the United States in the context of the ‘war on terror’. There is copious literature explaining why these violations of fundamental human rights are not justifiable, and why they are not consistent with international treaties or that nation’s constitution. This thesis builds upon this research, but strikes out in a new direction. It does so by asking whether these abuses, combined with the changes to the legal order of the United States that made them possible, have produced a qualitative transformation of its constitutional structure. In particular, this thesis tracks the empowering of the executive. Increasingly, whenever it purports to act in the interests of national security, the executive claims the authority to act unilaterally in a manner that overrides even non-derogable rights. These novel constitutional reserve powers, which this thesis demonstrates were derived from President Nixon’s theory of the executive, were used to justify indefinite arbitrary detention, torture, mass surveillance without warrants, and extra-judicial execution. This thesis seeks to determine if the constitutional crisis inaugurated by this theory of executive supremacy over the laws has been terminated, or whether it has continued into the Obama Administration. If this theory is current within the executive branch, and especially if the violations of jus cogens norms has continued, it signifies a cross-party consensus about a paradigm shift in American constitutionalism. Accordingly, given the fact that the abuse of executive supremacy is what led to the development of the rule of law, this thesis will ask the question of whether the United States is being governed in accordance with its basic minimum norms. This thesis explores whether the executive is still subject to checks and balances from the legislature and the judiciary, such that it cannot violate non-derogable rights at will and with impunity. If the contrary proposition is true, it demonstrates that the crisis of the rule of law in the United States is ongoing, and this permanent state of exception demands significantly more scholarly attention. / Public, Constitutional, and International Law / LLD

The 2014 national general elections were characterised by a cloud of scandal hanging over the ANC, and the ANC president Jacob Zuma. The biggest and darkest cloud was the Nkandla scandal. Owing to a reported R246 million spent by the state to refurbish his private home, the president stood accused of wasteful expenditure and financial irregularity. In a country reeling from the continued effects of apartheid, which include high unemployment and poverty, the scandal was a bombshell. According to a vocal and often adversarial mainstream media sphere, the ANC went into those elections with an albatross around its neck. The dominant thought was that the ruling party would suffer a heavy loss of votes. This outcome did not materialise. The ANC lost a marginal share of its previous vote. Mainstream media and civil society were confounded. What had happened? Why had poor black South Africans continued to vote for a party that was obviously in breach of the constitutional order? Against the mismatch between what was predicted or purported and the outcome, this study investigates how young people in the township of Joza, Grahamstown, interpreted one of the biggest political scandals in South Africa’s fledgling democracy. Using a combination of subaltern studies, counter public sphere and audience study, the research looks into the interpretation of a mainstream media scandal that was supposed to diminish the chances of the ANC retaining power, but, instead, barely dented its majority. Through a combination of interviews and participant observation, the study found that young people in the township of Joza demonstrated that they chose to ignore the messages about the corruption of the ANC. The data suggests that they did so, not because of overt racial solidarity, but due to the fact that in a context of high inequality, and continued limitations on economic emancipation, the party shone brightly as a vehicle for economic development. Overall, the study argues that the seemingly dubious undertaking to continue with the ANC is a calculated decision that makes sense when viewed within a given socio-economic context.