While the virtues of social capital in democracies are widely recognized, previous studies have repeatedly shown that social capital is in short supply in heterogeneous communities with ethnic minorities. Against the view that levels of social capital are culturally predetermined, I argue that it is possible to generate social capital by carefully formulating political institutions. Drawing from theories of institutional management of ethnic conflict and theories of institutional learning, I construct an integrated theory of social capital which hypothesizes that citizens learn to trust one another based on their experiences with political institutions during an extended period of democratic rule. To test this integrated model of social capital, I use a probit analysis to examine how democratic longevity in different institutional settings (e.g., majoritarian vs. consensus) influences social capital. To overcome the endogeneity problem that exists between social capital and democratic longevity, I adopt an instrumental variables approach, drawing on theories in international relations. My analysis of World Values Survey data yields three main conclusions concerning the institutional arrangements that foster social capital. First, I find that democratic longevity fosters higher levels of trust in countries with consensus institutions containing powersharing arrangements through cabinets, executive-legislative balances, party systems, and electoral systemspresumably because cooperation among different groups enhances social capital. Second, a longer period of democratic rule in highly federal institutions undermines trust, as the devolution of powers through territorial units is thought to fragment the political system and society. Finally, consistent with the theoretical expectations, I find that these two conclusions hold only among ethnic minorities. Among ethnic majorities, the effect of democratic longevity disappears once we purge the endogenous component (i.e., the effect of social capital on democratic longevity), using an instrumental variables approach. Case studies of the Baltic States, the Canadian province of Quebec, and Malaysia corroborated the findings from the statistical analyses. By uncovering a mechanism through which social capital can be generated in multiethnic states, this study makes an important contribution to the literature.

[Abstract]: The number of so-called ‘half-Japanese’ children (haafu) has been increasing in Japan over the last twenty years, and one place in which such multiethnic people exist in community is in the international school system. Although international schools typically deliver their curricula in English, most multiethnic students are equally familiar with the dominant Japanese culture and language, and can alternate between English and Japanese to accomplish discourse functions and express their hybrid identities. However, little research has been conducted into the bilingual interactional practices that multiethnic Japanese people use to accomplish aspects of their identity in mundane conversation.In conjunction with ethnographic observations and focus group discussions, this study adopts a conversational analytic (CA) approach to investigate some of these interactional practices. Specifically, the investigation draws on video-recorded data of the participants’ speech in naturally occurring conversations to explore the role of codeswitching in co-constructing aspects of identity in interaction with others.The study draws on Membership Categorization Analysis to examine the participants’ use of competency-related category bound activities to index identity in mundane talk, and Conversation Analysis to explore the role of discursive and situated identities in indexing transportable identities like ‘multiethnic Japanese’ in bilingual interaction. The investigation found several bilingual practices that index identity in multi-party talk, including the use of forward-oriented self-repair in bilingual word search sequences and backwards-oriented repair to design a translation in bilingual multi-party talk for a known non-native (or novice) speaker. In combination with embodied practices such as gaze shift, these bilingual practices worked by altering the participant constellation to partition recipients based on their perceived language preference.Throughout the study, mundane talk is seen as a key site in which multiethnic identity is made visible and co-accomplished by the participants.

Homeplace of Hands: Fractal Performativity of Vulnerable Resistance is a feminist autoethnography of possibility that puts on display two new concepts I’ve named fractal performativity and vulnerable resistance. Fractal performativity as a way of seeing is an integrative performance methodology that utilizes fractal geometry and performative autoethnography and brings together performance studies, feminist theory, multiethnic literature, personal story and poetry to communicate vulnerable resistance as a strategy for social transformation and selfhood. Vulnerable resistance as a way of being embodies a praxis of homeplace enacted through five modes I’ve identified as nurturance, sustenance, maintenance, performance, and alliance, expressed through the daily work of the hand as a metaphor, tool, and fractal. Deploying fractal performativity as an integrative method and conceptual framework, I design the fractal hand as a template that embodies intersecting identities and holds my stories as I cultivate homeplace and enact vulnerable resistance through the five modes. For scholar-artist- activists working on the margins, this integrative strategy offers hope to keep coming back day after day, and a template for cultivating homeplace of vulnerable resistance.

The purpose of this study was to examine if the quality of college students' relationships with their parents and family-of-origin would predict their academic and psychological adjustment to college, including their openness to cultural diversity. It was hypothesized that in general, higher quality of students' intrafamilial relationships will significantly predict their academic and psychological adjustment to college. It also is hypothesized that higher quality intrafamilial relationships will be significantly associated with increased interest and openness to learning about and interacting with students of diverse cultural backgrounds. Four additional variables were examined in an exploratory manner, to determine if they would predict college adjustment. They were social support, parental support and encouragement specific to helping the students prepare for college, self-efficacy, and ethnic identity. Overall, the results of this study suggest that college students' relationships with other family members as a child have limited influence over their adult adjustment in the context of adapting to the demands of college. Because this finding conflicts with previous research, additional research is needed to clarify the precise influence childhood families have on adult functioning. For example, it is possible that childhood families influence subsequent functioning in some contexts ( e.g., adults' relationships with their own spouses and children) more than in others ( e.g., on a college campus).

No description available.

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Esta dissertação reflete sobre os motivos da integração e desmembramento de povos que produzem um espaço comum. Verificam-se aspectos comuns da ideologia iugoslavista do século XIX com as políticas nacionalistas do século XX, visando manifestações de poder comprometidas com a criação de Estados independentes. Sustenta-se que os partidos nacionalistas, antes da 1ª Guerra Mundial, não se rotulavam como partido dos trabalhadores, nem levantavam a bandeira socialista. Além disso, os mentores da unificação dos povos suleslavos almejavam o desenvolvimento comercial e industrial de suas regiões, mas não recebiam apoio das potências européias, nem eram liderados ou financiados por uma elite burguesa. Tentamos demonstrar que, neste primeiro momento do nacionalismo, os eslavosdo- sul realizaram sua união muito mais por iniciativa própria contra a política do Vaticano; contra o atraso feudal; contra a aculturação germânica, e que as intervenções externas favoráveis à formação de Estados eslavos nos Bálcãs foram relevantes somente com o descrédito socialista, uma vez que o Estado iugoslavo não proporcionou a democrática participação entre seus concidadãos nas atividades políticas e econômicas, ensejando o separatismo ultranacionalista. A morte do marechal Tito, em 1980, ressuscitou a intolerância de croatas e eslovenos em relação à centralização governamental dos dirigentes sérvios, os quais não souberam articular uma flexibilização política. É neste segundo momento que as potências internacionais realizaram intervenções concretas a favor da dissidência dos demais nacionalismos latentes, entre os eslavos-do-sul, que acabaram ganhando vida própria, respaldando os emblemas de espaço produzido por cada nacionalidade individualizada, no fundo, uma exploração ideológica de líderes locais formadores de opinião pública, os quais encontraram respaldo no interesse das potências ocidentais em se expandir no Leste Europeu e liquidar o socialismo. Considerando a formação do Estado, seja iugoslavo, sérvio, croata, etc., este estudo expõe a influência política pela ideologia do nacionalismo, mesmo com toda diversidade de religião, de tamanho do espaço compartilhado por comunidades multiétnicas, de diferentes credos e que usam diferentes línguas, na construção de uma nação. Não se questiona aqui a invenção de identidades ou recriação de nações, implicando alteração de territórios e de Estado. Importa verificar se o nacionalismo é um elemento perene de poder, na medida em que sempre pode ser acionado como estratégia política capaz de formar e destruir Estados. / This essay reflects on the reasons for integration and disintegration of peoples who have a common area. Checks commonalities between the ideology of the nineteenth century Yugoslavia and the nationalist policies of the twentieth century, to understand the manifestations of power committed to the creation of independent States. Argues that the nationalist parties, before the First World War, is a not labeled as a party of workers, and raised the flag socialist. Also, the mentors of the unification of South Slavic peoples aim the development of its commercial and industrial regions, but not received support from European powers, nor were led or financed by the bourgeois elite. We tried to demonstrate that in this first moment of nationalism, the Slavs of the south-union held their own for much against the policy of the Vatican, against feudal backwardness, against acculturation Germanic, and that external interventions in favor of the formation of the Slavs in the Balkans were relevant only to discredit socialist, since the State did not provide the Yugoslavian democratic participation among citizens in their political and economic activities, shares rise separatist groups ultranationalists. In the federative socialist system, from the Second World War, the Marshal Tito fought against the domination of the Nazis and Soviets and won power by forcing a \'hybridization\' of the South Slavs, in order to eliminate cultural differences in their territory. The death of this leader, in 1980, raised the intolerance of Croats and Slovenes on the centralized government of Serbian leaders, who have not articulated a flexible politics. This is the second time that the powers held international assistance to promote the secession of the other latent nationalism, which eventually gained a life of its own, backed emblems of space produced by each individual nationality, basically, an ideological exploitation of local leaders shapers of public opinion, which found support in the interest of Western powers in expanding in Eastern Europe and still socialism. Whereas the formation of the State, is Yugoslavian, Serbian, Croatian, etc.., this study exposes the political influence by the ideology of nationalism, even with all diversity of religion, size of space shared by multiethnic communities of different faiths and that use different languages, in building a nation. Question here is not the invention or recreation of identities of nations, involving change of state and territory. It verifys that nationalism is a perennial power in that it can always be executed as a political strategy capable of forming and destroy States.

Depression is a significant public health problem for young adults of college age, and negative life events exacerbate risk. Not all individuals who experience negative life events, however, report depressive symptoms, perhaps owing to protective characteristics. We examined one such characteristic, trait hope, a goal-oriented construct, as a potential moderator of the association between negative life events and depressive symptoms in an ethnically diverse sample of 386 college students. In support of our hypotheses, negative life events were significantly associated with greater levels of depressive symptoms, and higher levels of hope attenuated this relationship, such that those with greater hope reported fewer depressive symptoms related to potentially traumatic events. The moderating effect of hope did not differ across ethnic groups. Our findings have implications for managing the sequelae of negative life events, including depression. Cognitive–behavioural interventions tailored to help young adults identify and attain important life goals might help to overcome psychopathology associated with life stress. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Esta dissertação reflete sobre os motivos da integração e desmembramento de povos que produzem um espaço comum. Verificam-se aspectos comuns da ideologia iugoslavista do século XIX com as políticas nacionalistas do século XX, visando manifestações de poder comprometidas com a criação de Estados independentes. Sustenta-se que os partidos nacionalistas, antes da 1ª Guerra Mundial, não se rotulavam como partido dos trabalhadores, nem levantavam a bandeira socialista. Além disso, os mentores da unificação dos povos suleslavos almejavam o desenvolvimento comercial e industrial de suas regiões, mas não recebiam apoio das potências européias, nem eram liderados ou financiados por uma elite burguesa. Tentamos demonstrar que, neste primeiro momento do nacionalismo, os eslavosdo- sul realizaram sua união muito mais por iniciativa própria contra a política do Vaticano; contra o atraso feudal; contra a aculturação germânica, e que as intervenções externas favoráveis à formação de Estados eslavos nos Bálcãs foram relevantes somente com o descrédito socialista, uma vez que o Estado iugoslavo não proporcionou a democrática participação entre seus concidadãos nas atividades políticas e econômicas, ensejando o separatismo ultranacionalista. A morte do marechal Tito, em 1980, ressuscitou a intolerância de croatas e eslovenos em relação à centralização governamental dos dirigentes sérvios, os quais não souberam articular uma flexibilização política. É neste segundo momento que as potências internacionais realizaram intervenções concretas a favor da dissidência dos demais nacionalismos latentes, entre os eslavos-do-sul, que acabaram ganhando vida própria, respaldando os emblemas de espaço produzido por cada nacionalidade individualizada, no fundo, uma exploração ideológica de líderes locais formadores de opinião pública, os quais encontraram respaldo no interesse das potências ocidentais em se expandir no Leste Europeu e liquidar o socialismo. Considerando a formação do Estado, seja iugoslavo, sérvio, croata, etc., este estudo expõe a influência política pela ideologia do nacionalismo, mesmo com toda diversidade de religião, de tamanho do espaço compartilhado por comunidades multiétnicas, de diferentes credos e que usam diferentes línguas, na construção de uma nação. Não se questiona aqui a invenção de identidades ou recriação de nações, implicando alteração de territórios e de Estado. Importa verificar se o nacionalismo é um elemento perene de poder, na medida em que sempre pode ser acionado como estratégia política capaz de formar e destruir Estados. / This essay reflects on the reasons for integration and disintegration of peoples who have a common area. Checks commonalities between the ideology of the nineteenth century Yugoslavia and the nationalist policies of the twentieth century, to understand the manifestations of power committed to the creation of independent States. Argues that the nationalist parties, before the First World War, is a not labeled as a party of workers, and raised the flag socialist. Also, the mentors of the unification of South Slavic peoples aim the development of its commercial and industrial regions, but not received support from European powers, nor were led or financed by the bourgeois elite. We tried to demonstrate that in this first moment of nationalism, the Slavs of the south-union held their own for much against the policy of the Vatican, against feudal backwardness, against acculturation Germanic, and that external interventions in favor of the formation of the Slavs in the Balkans were relevant only to discredit socialist, since the State did not provide the Yugoslavian democratic participation among citizens in their political and economic activities, shares rise separatist groups ultranationalists. In the federative socialist system, from the Second World War, the Marshal Tito fought against the domination of the Nazis and Soviets and won power by forcing a \'hybridization\' of the South Slavs, in order to eliminate cultural differences in their territory. The death of this leader, in 1980, raised the intolerance of Croats and Slovenes on the centralized government of Serbian leaders, who have not articulated a flexible politics. This is the second time that the powers held international assistance to promote the secession of the other latent nationalism, which eventually gained a life of its own, backed emblems of space produced by each individual nationality, basically, an ideological exploitation of local leaders shapers of public opinion, which found support in the interest of Western powers in expanding in Eastern Europe and still socialism. Whereas the formation of the State, is Yugoslavian, Serbian, Croatian, etc.., this study exposes the political influence by the ideology of nationalism, even with all diversity of religion, size of space shared by multiethnic communities of different faiths and that use different languages, in building a nation. Question here is not the invention or recreation of identities of nations, involving change of state and territory. It verifys that nationalism is a perennial power in that it can always be executed as a political strategy capable of forming and destroy States.