Zugl.: Trier, Univ., Diss., 2008

Údery NATO, hned po jejich zahájení, vyvolaly velké debaty na celém světě: dilema spočívala v tom, že snaha zastavit ?etnické čistky? kosovských Albánců ze strany Bělehradu měla tak nejistý právní základ: zásah NATO v Kosovu totiž neměl mandát Rady bezpečnosti OSN. Zákaz použití síly je jus cogens v mezinárodním právu a výjimky které vyjmenovává Charta OSN zásah neospravedlňují. Přesto, mezinárodní společnost považuje zásah legitimním. Ve své práce bych se chtěla zaměřit právě na otázku legality kosovského zásahu NATO, částečně i legitimity, nebo nakolik se dá vykompenzovat ?neúplnou? nebo ?nedostatečnou? legalitu právní legitimitou.

Am of the thesis is to analyze the development of the relations between NATO and Russia since the eastern enlargement of NATO in 2004 until the formation of a New Strategic Concept in 2010 with an emphasis on theenergy diplomacy of Russia in the post-Soviet region.The functioning of Russian energy diplomacy is illustrated by the example of two Ukrainian gas wars. Objective of the thesis is to analyze how is Russia using its energy resources at the bilateral level (especially in the Eastern European region) and its influence towards NATO. There is an instrumental nature in understanding of the energy policy by Russia, which subsequently affects the potential expansion of NATO in the post-Soviet space. The conclusion is that European NATO and the U.S. should seek to maximize the diversification of energy resources to stabilize their negotiating position with the Russians.

The Relationship between Russia and NATO is a subject which finds itself continuously popular and relevant throughout discussion of international security. Yet, there is relatively large disagreements on how a conflict between the two actors would play out and how strong their given strategies are, in this case being how successful or strong should NATO's deterrence strategy be considered. Due to this, this paper will explore the main point of: What are the causes or reasonings behind the shortcomings of NATO deterrence strategy when facing a Russian Hybrid Strategy? In order to explore this, a deeper look is undertaken into the strengths of weaknesses behind both Russian and NATO capabilities and credibility within their given strategies. Furthermore, the primary region which will be explored within the relationship between Russia and NATO is that of the Baltic states, as this is the most likely area which NATO's deterrence strategy will be tested by Russian hybrid Warfare. This exploration will use qualitative studies along with wargaming scenarios which take into account the joint hybrid and conventional nature of Russia's hybrid strategy. Through this analysis, several causes of shortcomings are identified. These causes are the weakness derived from the chosen deterrence theory model undertaken...

On 5 June 2017, the Prime Minister of Montenegro, Duško Marković, deposited the instrument of accession to the North Atlantic Treaty of Montenegro in Washington DC, making the accession of this country to the Atlantic Alliance official. Montenegro, one of the smallest of the post-Yugoslav Western Balkans republics, was thus welcomed into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization as its 29th member. This thesis analyzes the process Montenegro has been undergoing throughout its path to NATO accession and the underlying conditions which have impacted this process. It argues that the relationship between Montenegro and NATO, which started in the early 2000's and has been revolving primarily on the integration process, which started soon after the independence of the country in 2006. This integration process has profoundly modified the security and defense sectors in Montenegro, has impacted the politics of the country and is embedded within what has been a larger strategic approach of NATO to the Western Balkans and Central and Eastern Europe in general. The Montenegrin integration process, as analyzed in this thesis, is considered to have revolved around three dynamics. The first has been an endogenous dynamic linked to the political attitude of the Montenegrin Government since the 1990's which has put...

Thesis focuses on the issue of Georgia's possible receipt of Membership Action Plan (MAP), Thesis strives to represent the possibility of Georgia's MAP receipt and then subsequently in the geopolitics of NATO's enlargement. Main research areas of the thesis include the 1997. Second area of research is focused on the costs and benefits of Georgia's NATO gia's breakaway regions of Abkhazia and South

The institutional relationship between the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union (EU) is ostensibly predicated on shared values and interests. In the area of European security, this relationship has been observed to be both cooperative and competitive; both ineffectual and progressive. In practice, there are numerous accounts of the competitive gridlock at the bureaucratic level and member state in-fighting that counteracts any tactical progress. This analysis examines the relationship between NATO and the EU and the conditions under which they cooperate effectively, or devolve into open competition. Through the lens of three demanding humanitarian crises, this analysis argues that the keys to effective cooperation are institutional autonomy over security and defense measures, and clear positioning of their role in institutional interactions. The first formative interaction between the EU (WEU) and NATO in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1993-1995, 2004) established that Europe required a security infrastructure separate from the NATO's existing military behemoth. It also crucially revealed that international recognition and legitimacy plays a significant role in the behavior and formation of these institutional identities. Months later, the open rivalry between NATO and the EU...

The Dayton Peace Agreement was signed in 1995, which effectively ended the war in Bosnian and established a decentralized state. This divisive nature of this framework encourages the political elite and decision makers to place a greater importance upon preserving political power, rather than making meaningful institutional changes. They consistently instrumentalize interthnic fears as a means to gain popular support at the expense of the country's development. The inability to cooperate has led to political stalemate and contributed to low level of progress in many sectors. Nonetheless, the possibility of accession to NATO remains open if the criteria for membership are satisfied. The international community bears the responsibility of integrating Bosnia and Herzegovina because of its strategic importance and the potential threats that can develop if political tensions escalate into an armed conflict. The recent accession of Montenegro and North Macedonia to NATO proves the doors remains open for aspiring countries that show the political will to deepen their relationship with the Alliance. Bosnia has made remarkable transformations in its security and defense sector, though it must resolve the current issues that impeded its Euro-Atlantic aspirations.

This study aims to investigate what effect membership in NATO has on the military of nondemocratic countries to add to the debate about whether the alliance has democratisingpotential. This is investigated by using a most-similar-systems design where the study investigates Spain and Portugal, the former having been democratised by a pacted transition whilst the regime in the latter was removed by the military in a coup. These countries are investigated regarding the main variables, membership in NATO and the role of the military during the democratisation, as well as relevant control variables. This design makes up for the fact that there only exist a few cases on non-democratic members of NATO. The analysis finds that the two investigated countries only differ regarding the main variables that are used in the study. Because of this, the study suggests that NATO could be a factor in deciding how a country is democratised. The study concludes that this result casts doubt on the argument that the alliance hasn´t had any effect on its´ members´ militaries.

This diploma thesis embraces the development of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) emphasizing the Alliance's capability to adequately adapt and react to the rapidly growing number of security challenges in our globalized world. Using the historical turning points and the experiences gained during the various conflicts the dissertation's focus is on the future of NATO in the "era of unpeace" where it is required to "defend against known unknowns" (Jankowski and Stepniewski (ed.) 2021). The first chapter of the thesis consists of an overview of the four main stages of the Alliance's development. The first phase (1949-1990) is the Cold War period, when the member states' emphasis was to build a strong collective defence strategy but at the same time, they established a liberal democratic system and accepted common values from the institutional point of view. The new members have adopted these governance standards and institutions, proved the effective assertion of the liberal institutionalism doctrine but never gave up military realism. The second stage (1990-2001) was represented by emerging new security challenges due to the fact that the bipolar world order had came to an end and the Alliance reacted to this by spreading the "security umbrella" with crisis management policies and...