This thesis studies how NATO has changed the way it brands itself to Russia, from a cooperative and humanitarian stance in 2002 toward a critical and confrontational posture between 2006 and 2008. The study is based on a discourse analysis of NATO’s publications. In the political climate following the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, NATO’s NRC established a cooperative relationship with the new Russian Federation, which included offers of humanitarian aid in food and medical care. This study shows that under the NRC, from 2002 to 2006, NATO’s image toward Russia continued to be one of “Strategic Partner.” Between 2006 and 2008, the image NATO portrayed toward Russia reverted to confrontational. The analysis of NATO’s change can be understood by considering the definition of brand image: a symbolic construct created within the minds of people and consists of all information and expectations associated with a product or service.

The purpose of this essay is to analyse some of the perspectives regarding the Swedish NATO membership. For this, I have gathered and analysed the collected information that involves statements and discussions between Swedish politicians, entrepreneurs, and military personnel in order to find arguments for and against, the Swedish NATO membership. All of the analysed arguments are from 2022.What this study has shown is that there is a collective sense of responsibility between the Swedish actors and a shared belief in shaping a new Swedish foreign policy. The result of this study also indicates that the Swedish actors call for further actions to secure an international system based on the idea of sovereignty.

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Våren 2014 uppvisade Ryssland ett öppet aggressivt beteende när de, med militära medel, annekterade Krim och satte den säkerhetspolitiska balansen i Europa och världen i gungning. Sverige och Finland fann sig helt plötsligt geografiskt nära ett potentiellt hot, och samtidigt utanför Nato. Denna studie undersöker orsaker i nationella och internationella variabler för varför staterna inte har ansökt om medlemskap i Nato efter den ryska annekteringen. Genom att använda en teori mer precis än realismen – neoklassisk realism – analyseras tre variabler för formandet av foreign policy; militär förmåga, hotuppfattning och nationell struktur. Enligt method of agreement undersöks vilken variabel som är lika mellan staterna. Resultatet kan förklara deras säkerhetspolitiska val att inte ansöka om medlemskap i Nato även efter den ryska annekteringen av Krim. Den variabel som studien visar är lika mellan dem är hotuppfattning hos statens ledare. Detta aktualiserar vidare forskning i vilken av de neoklassiska variablerna som driver stater till förändring i foreign policy.

Diplomová práce se zabývá euroatlantickými vztahy v politicko-bezpečnostní oblasti po konci studené války. V roce 1991 se rozpadl Sovětský svaz a komunistická hrozba, která se po celých 46 let studené války vznášela nad Evropou, opadla. Tato změna zásadním způsobem změnila postavení Evropy a USA. Spojené státy zůstaly jedinou světovou supervelmocí a sjednocená Evropa se chtěla vymanit závislosti na Spojených státech. 90. léta začínala myšlenkou "globálního světového partnerství" G. Bushe st., končila však tendencí k unilateralistickému přístupu G. Bushe ml. Přesto teroristické útoky z 11. září 2001 demokratický Západ významným způsobem sjednotily. Jestliže se Evropa chtěla stát velmocí podobnou Spojeným státům, pak se jí to ve vojenské oblasti nepovedlo. Přes tyto odstředivé tendence zůstalo mezi Evropou a USA spojenectví, které je vyjádřeny formou spolupráce v NATO.

This thesis aims to facilitate an understanding of some of the critical debates in public relations theory and practice. It joins others in contributing to a shift from a functional systems-based public relations paradigm to one where public relations is transparently seen as playing a role in shaping democracy in a global society. The research analyses NATO's communication operations in the Kosovo Campaign against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, examining the case from a number of different perspectives. The thesis contributes to the body of knowledge of public relations practices and how, in this case, they were used to inform and persuade publics of the moral cause of a bombing mission to achieve specific strategic organisational and communication goals. Further, it contextualises the case of NATO as an organisation facing a crisis in legitimacy following the end of the Cold War. It demonstrates how the Kosovo Campaign provided a vehicle to transform NATO's identity while retaining military capabilities, to make the organisation relevant to the global demands of the 21st century. In this way, NATO could claim a unique self and maintain its credibility and relevance. The thesis argues that NATO's public relations campaign was successful in maintaining both credibility and popular support for a 78-day bombing campaign within the 19 nations of the Alliance. The campaign allowed NATO to claim that it was the only organisation that could provide ii security and stability, as well as be the main bulwark of the defence of Western values in a rapidly globalising and changing world. Moreover, by framing the Kosovo air campaign as a humanitarian intervention, NATO was not only able to legitimise its actions but transform its military might with an acceptable human face in order to achieve its broader ideological goals in Europe. This thesis demonstrates how military interventions on behalf of powerful interests can be legitimised if the appropriate public relations framework is used and acceptable communication strategies employed. It suggests how citizens of democratic countries can be led to support decision-makers who present themselves as acting altruistically even when their actions may be self-interested.

Zugl.: Speyer, Dt. Hochsch. für Verwaltungswiss., (ab 31.12.97), Diss., 2006

Zugl.: Hamburg, Helmut-Schmidt-Univ., Diss., 2007

Zugl.: Hannover, Univ., Diss., 2010

Zugl.: Zürich, Univ., Diss., 2006