Thesis advisor: James E. Cronin / This dissertation examines British nuclear policymaking during the late 1970s and early 1980s with a focus on its political implications. Highlighting the important link between nuclear politics and alliance coordination, the dissertation demonstrates that at a time of increased Alliance disunity (over Vietnam, détente, etc.) NATO policymakers achieved a broad consensus on theater nuclear policy that in effect stabilized the Alliance against the crises of the 1970s. The dissertation focuses especially on the U.K.’s role in this; British policymakers’ unique ability to mediate between the U.S. and continental Europe contributed enormously to the success of NATO in this period. Taking the British decision to update its strategic nuclear weapons and the coterminous debates in NATO over theater nuclear weapons, carried out against the backdrop of heightened public opposition and debate, it argues that nuclear politics played an integral role in structuring alliances and that this recalibration not only precipitated the end of the Cold War, but also ensured the Alliance’s post-Cold War viability. This research revises our understanding of the Cold War. This dissertation demonstrates that the Cold War, traditionally regarded as a bipolar conflict between superpowers, was often waged through alliances and that the policy preferences of lesser alliance partners mattered tremendously. The dissertation, furthermore, provides evidence for the way in which British policymakers retained an unexpected and disproportionate influence for the U.K. in world affairs—via their ability to successfully mediate within NATO

Die vorliegende Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit der Untersuchung der institutionalisierten Beziehungen zwischen der NATO und Russland seit 1997 und konzentriert sich dabei besonders auf die Ergebnisse des „Permanent Council“ (PJC, 1997) und des „NATO-Russia Council“ (NRC, 2002). Das Vermächtnis von Strukturen, die während des kalten Krieges entstanden, beeinflusst weiterhin die Interaktionen zwischen der NATO und Russland. Dies wurde insbesondere während der Kosovo-Krise und nach dem 11. September 2001, welcher die „post-post-Cold War era“ einläutete, sichtbar. Das zentrale Kapitel der Dissertation beinhaltet eine empirische Analyse der Policy-Felder, denen sich der PJC und der NRC widmen. Hier wird vor allem auf die Zusammenarbeit von der NATO und Russland auf dem Balkan und auf den Kampf gegen den Terrorismus eingegangen. Die Fallstudie untersucht NATO-Russland Interaktionen in Zentralasien; besonders im Hinblick auf geopolitische Trends, die für beide Akteure und ihre zukünftigen Beziehungen wichtige Auswirkungen haben werden. Diese Arbeit untersucht die Qualität der Beziehungen zwischen der NATO und Russland anhand von Ereignissen, welche diese Beziehungen geprägt haben und erklärt, warum manche Verhaltensmuster sich kontinuierlich wiederholen. / This dissertation examines the institutionalized relationship between NATO and Russia since 1997; focussing on the outcomes of the 1997 Permanent Joint Council (PJC) and the 2002 NATO-Russia Council (NRC). The legacy of Cold War structures has continued to influence the way NATO and Russia interact; most notably during the Kosovo crisis and in the aftermath of the attacks of September 11 that rang in the “post-post-Cold War era”. The bulk of the research consists of an empirical analysis of policy fields covered by the PJC and the NRC. Particular attention is given to NATO-Russia interaction in the Balkans, as well as to the fight against terrorism. The case study assesses NATO-Russia interaction in Central Asia, taking into consideration geopolitical trends that will shape both actors’ actions in the future. Tracing events that have shaped NATO-Russia relations, this dissertation analyzes the quality of NATO-Russia relations and explains why certain patterns keep reoccurring.

This work is an analysis of Russian President Boris Yeltsin's decision-making process in the context of both foreign and domestic policy crises. The timeframe selected encompasses July 1998, as the Russian economy faltered and headed to eventual currency devaluation through June 1999, when NATO's air campaign in Kosovo ended through mediation proposed by Yeltsin and negotiated in part by his former prime minister, Viktor Chernomyrdin. The framework of this study is centered on Robert D. Putnam's "two-level game" model, and the focus on Yeltsin as leader and decision maker follows work in International Relations theory by Snyder, Bruck, and Sapin, Valerie Hudson, James D. Fearon, and Margaret Hermann among others. Yeltsin's personality, as well as the particulars of his biography, specifically involving the status of his health, contribute to the atmosphere in which Yeltsin made decisions, and therefore are important elements of the study. The Russian-U.S. relationship, which forms a foundational base to the crises and their resolution during this timeframe, also displays a high degree of personalization and figures prominently in the work. In describing the crisis situations in which Yeltsin's decisions evolved, this study also provides insight into Yeltsin's perceptions (or misperceptions) of the environment in which he operated. This includes his focus on the revanchist element in the parliament and his evaluation of the importance of the interpersonal relationships he had developed over the years with other state leaders. Yeltsin's view of the Russian state, as well as his goals for Russia, both domestically, in the form of the transition to a market economy, and in foreign policy, in the form of greater acceptance and cooperation with western states, also constitutes an integral part of this study.

Disertace popisuje interakci rozšiřování NATO s bezpečnostním prostředím Evropy 90. let. Propojuje teorii mezinárodních vztahů s teoretickými a praktickými zkušenostmi a argumenty, zejména kritikou, k rozšiřování. Potvrzuje tezi, že rozšiřování je přínosný, ba nenahraditelný proces pro Evropu i Západ. Rozšiřování zase uspělo, protože odpovědělo na problémy a potřeby Evropy. Mladší evropské demokracie rozšířením NATO získaly i NATO posílily. V zájmu jejich, Evropy i celého Západu je ocenit, studovat a rozvíjet přínos rozšiřování a jeho interakce s Evropou, podporovat silné NATO, vztahy Evropy s USA i posilování vztahů evropských zemí s USA přímějšími formami, aktuálně hlavně vybudováním americké základny v ČR.

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Den svenska Försvarsmakten fattade 2004 beslut om att söka uppnå interoperabilitet med andra nationers försvarsmakter. Som gemensam nomenklatur för samarbetsformerna valdes, med bakgrund av att EU sökte samma lösning, att nyttja de standarder som fanns inom NATO. Den här uppsatsen undersöker i vilken utsträckning den svenska försvarsmakten på operativ nivå är interoperabel idag – tidigt 2010. En gränsöverskridande funktion har valts som undersökningsobjekt, underrättelsefunktionen. Den får åskådliggöra i vilken omfattning interoperabilitet uppnåtts utifrån NATO:s olika standarder. Utvecklingen betraktas utifrån en implementeringsteoretisk ansats kompletterad med ansatser om kunskapsöverföring och förändringsarbete.   Undersökningen visar att implementeringen av interoperabilitet är förhållandevis långt gången och att det kvarvarande arbetet kan påskyndas och effektiviseras genom ansträngningar på områden såsom struktur avseende organisation och metoder, utbildning av personal samt ledarskap.

This thesis analyzes the Western missile defense initiatives and their role in Russia&#039 / s relations with NATO and the U.S. The main question of this thesis is whether the Western missile defense initiatives have paved the way for a new era of cooperation between Russia and the West or not. The main argument of this thesis is that Russia has failed to collaborate with NATO in a meaningful manner on missile defense issue as Russia has not adjusted its security policies and nuclear strategy, which are still based on the Cold War thinking, to the changing conditions of global security in the post Cold War era. The missile defense initiatives have a negative impact on the relations between Russia and the West due to the intransigent stance of Russia on this issue. A robust cooperation can only be achieved between Russia and NATO if Moscow changes its Cold War mentality about global security issues.

This thesis is an analysis based on the problem of defining a humanitarian intervention and argues when or not, it is appropriate to operate it. The interest lies in finding out whether the argument itself is justifiable,not whether the act of interference was justifiable. My hypothesis is that both private and international operatios misuse the definition "humanitarian interventions" as an excuse to trespass the laws of war. Behind the idea of protecting human rights, freedom and democracy, is the liberalist idea of all individuals being equal. The respect for their freedom and rights drives outside actors to intervene when crimes are comitted against them. I wished to discuss Nato's argument for "the Right to Intervene" in order to avoid ahumanitarian crises in Kosovo 1999. I intended to try the intellectual validity and reasoning behind their argument but it was more difficult than I'd expected. Because the sources to their statements were inconclusive, the conclusion turned out to be difficult to assess, though there is a vague idea of Nato's point of view being unreasonable in comparison to their actions.

The main purpose with the essay is to look into NATO and annalise how the organisation haschanged it´s security policy work process today 2015, seen from two different world eventsduring the period 1989-2015, the collapse of the Berlin wall and war in Afghanistan. Purposeand issuses also apply based on two theories Anarchymodel and World society model. In orderto highlight two different ways to see NATO:s security policy work process over time untilthe present day. Issues: • How did the fall of Berlin wall in 1989 change NATO:s security policy work process? • How did the war in Afghanistan in 2001 change NATO:s security policy work process? The essay is a qualitative method literature review describing NATO as an organisation andworld events that had impact on NATO over time. The result show that NATO has shifled it´s borders further fast because ”new” membercountries from the former Soviet Union are party members. NATO has moved closer toRussia, and increased in momentum. A possible armed conflict could be in the advantage ofnew markets that werwe previously isolated and intiate a co-operation with entrant´s. The result also shows that terroism and conflicts are carried out between operators and groupswithout fixed borders. It is largely down to the balance of power between NATO and Warsawpact dosesn´t exist anymore. Earlier controlled Superpowers of their allies. It has providedspace for new opponents to understand rights and responsibilities according to their way ofthinking and acting on that basis. These operators are weaker in impact strength and hencethey act according to their own circumstances and conditions, often through terroism. NATOhas transformed a large part of it´s security policy process to better respond to threats such asterroism.