Which environmental non-governmental organizations (ENGOs) are positioned to be the most influential in climate negotiations? The structure of the environmental movement has undergone significant change over the development of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). Since its inception there has been significant engagement by ENGOs with the yearly Conference of the Parties (COPs). In this tripartite project, I use an original dataset of relationship ties between ENGOs to construct a series of networks using social network analysis. Specifically, I examine network structures prior to three watershed moments in the history of the UNFCCC, the Kyoto, Copenhagen, and Paris COPs. Based on social network theory, an ENGO’s structural position can be viewed as a reflection of an ENGO’s perceived power, authority, and influence. I also study ENGO participation at COPs at these three distinct time points. In part one of this project, I describe how the structure of the environmental movement has changed over time in conjunction with the perceived success and failures of the UNFCCC process, leading to a bifurcated environmental movement. Additionally, I find that the ENGOs occupying central positions may have greater influence than other less central ENGOs, because they are more likely to serve on state delegations at the UNFCCC. In part two, I examine the role of alliance-based organizations in the larger environmental movement. Specifically, I describe how the ENGO network structure between alliance, policy and science-based organizations has changed over the history of the UNFCCC. The results suggest that alliance-based organizations occupy pivotal positions within the network, showing the potential for alliance-based organizations to help facilitate the representation of diverse viewpoints at international negotiations. In part three, I examine the relationships between ENGOs and human-centric organizations at the three distinct time points and find that despite an increased presence of ENGOs connected to human-centric organizations at the yearly COPs over time, there is still very little interconnectedness between these two movements. I also examine regions with the most ENGO/human-centric organizational connections and find Euro-centric dominance. In general, this is discussed as a missed opportunity. These findings have far reaching implications for the prospects of the UNFCCC developing, and states adopting, effective climate change policy that has the support of the environmental movement. / Political Science

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This thesis investigates the European Union’s response to the refugee crisis in the Mediterranean Sea, focusing on the strategy of externalizing border controls through agreements with Turkey and Libya. Employing a combination of qualitative textual analysis and interviews, the study examines the humanitarian and legal implications of these agreements, particularly in relation to the criminalization of NGOs’ activities on the Central Mediterranean Route. The findings reveal a dual process of criminalization, both at the European level through operational shifts and the implementation of Codes of Conduct, and at the national level through policies targeting NGOs, such as Italy’s “Codice di Condotta per le ONG” and “decreto Salvini-bis”. The examples of the SeaWatch-3 and IUVENTA boats demonstrate how these processes hinder NGOs’ operations and shape public discourse on migration. The thesis concludes by highlighting the ongoing challenges in the Mediterranean Sea and the need for further research to understand their implications fully.

This research constructs the theoretical framework through documentary analysis; it utilizes the approach of ¡§state and society relations¡¨ on the micro-level of the comparative politics, supplemented with the concept of ¡§corporatism¡¨. This research includes ¡§in-depth interview¡¨ and ¡§case study¡¨ to aim at examining two issues. While the Chinese government has been the central power, the enterprises are the key players in the businesses of modern China. When the private sector has prospered vigorously, the government faced increasing pressure from economic system reform. This indicates that the power of government will shift to the industry and trade association. This research finds that the trade association, deriving from ¡§top down¡¨ model, which can gain more self-Governance, is the successful case of transformation. Its character is that it neither seeks for power from the government during the transformation nor interest from the private sector, but, instead, serves for social welfare and receives more credibility from the public and better organizing autonomy. Since the south patrolling of Deng Xiaoping in 1992, the socialist market economy has been the goal China pursues. In 1998, the ninth session national representatives passed Decision of the structural reform of the State Council plan, and it pointed out ¡§establish a government administrative system with the Chinese characteristics and suitable to the socialist market economic system¡¨. In October 2003, the Third Plenary Session of the 16th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China passed Decision of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on Some Issues concerning the Improvement of the Socialist Market Economy . Obviously, in addition to the concept of open policy of the trade market, the policy on decentralization of governmental structural reform is in place. Those changes push the market mechanism to expand gradually, and accelerate the transformation of trade association. It makes the influence of trade association on industrial policy making grow. Particularly, Guangdong Province's economy opened early and also led the development of trade association. This research found that the system and development of trade association in Guangdong Province has exceeded that of the central government. ¡§Guangdong Food Profession Union¡¨ is one of the best examples. This research analyzes the development of food industry of both China and the Guangdong Province, in order to explain the relations among government, the business (market) and the society. Second, to analyze the development of trade association's of China and Guangdong Province to explain the formation of civil society. Third, using the case of ¡§Guangdong Food Profession Union¡¨ to study on its philosophy, institution and interest setting in order to map out the interaction among ¡§Guangdong Food Profession Union (GFPU)¡¨, government and business. Finally, it induces the relations among state, the market, the civil society. This research not only points out the similarities and differences between the study case and the general situation in China, but also classifies three kinds of trade association and within which the trade association of successful transformation might be called ¡§NGO with the Chinese characteristic¡¨. In brief, the social scope of trade association derived from ¡§top down¡¨ model, will de unavoidably deprived by the government. In the social scope formed by the trade association of successful transformation, the administrative authority is (Economic and Trade Commission) no longer in charge of them, but the ideology of Chinese Communist Party still exists. It was the ¡§civil society with the Chinese characteristic.¡¨

In subsequent to Post-colonialism the African nations have dilated into different political directions. While some nations have established well-functioning democracies, others are still under authoritarian regimes. The aim of this thesis is to examine if civil society has an impact on democratic development in West Africa. Therefore the theoretical starting point is Putnam’s theory of social capital, but this study will also examine other possible causal explanations for democratic transition. This study will be based on a comparative analysis of Ghana and Guinea. Therefore these following questions will be answered: Does the civil society have any connotation in democratic development in West African countries? Has the military, international influence, socio-economic development and differences in the population affected the democratic development in Ghana and Guinea?  Which of the above factors is most beneficial for a regime change when transcending from an authoritarian rule to a civilian rule, and do they have a greater significance than the civil society? The main conclusion in this study is that civil society does not have any connotation for a regime change from authoritarian rule to a civilian rule in West Africa. The international influence is rather the most beneficial factor for such democratic development.

This thesis examines the implementation of the new digital information and communications technologies (ICTs) by the Women in Film and Television (WIFT) Non-government organisation (NGO) at the state, national and international levels through an ethnographic, participant observation case study, informed by the precepts of feminist research. A quantitative survey of Australian peak women's NGOs participating in the electronic mailing list - Pamela's List is also conducted mapping the context in which WIFT operates and providing an overview of Australian women's peak NGOs' uptake and use of ICTs. The findings are situated in relation to a review of the international surveys available on women's NGOs and the surveys and research reports available on the overall NGO sector, nationally and internationally. The study addresses two neglected areas in the ICT literature. For over a decade Feminist theorists have pointed to the omission of gender as a focus in studies on the new information and communications technologies. There has also been little research and few surveys into the uptake of ICTs by either women's NGOs or the broader NGO sector, nationally or internationally. The detailed, longitudinal case study of the implementation process from pre-establishment through to advanced use of digital communications by a women's NGO at state, national and international level is also unique. Combined with the survey, it affords the opportunity to not only document which ICTs are being adopted but also why particular technologies are being used over others and how they are being used. Despite key successes, the results show less than optimum uptake, a lack of advanced or strategic use, and the myriad of challenges shared by all three WIFT organisations, Australian women's peak NGOs, and the national and international NGO sector in utilising ICTs. The reasons for this are analysed revealing the conflicting values between the NGO sector and those underlying the development of ICTs and demonstrates that difficulties systemic to both the technology and the NGO sector are limiting access and utilisation by women's NGOs. While the myths of women as technophobic are seriously challenged by the findings, the study highlights the importance of gender factors in limiting access and uptake and shaping the use of ICTs. Australian women's NGOs' uptake is shown to be less than their mixed gender counterparts and the study also reveals a lack of acknowledgement by government of gender as a key factor in the uptake of ICTs. It is also shown that significant funding, infrastructure support and policy initiatives recognising the special technological and communication challenges of women's NGOs and the overall NGO sector are needed, if both are to fully and strategically embrace these technologies and function effectively in the new millennium. The significant contribution to knowledge of this thesis lies foremost in furthering the understanding of gender as a key factor in the uptake and utilisation of the new ICTs while at the same time challenging the patriarchal myth of women as technophobic. It thus contributes to the reconstruction of the epistemologies surrounding women's relationship to technology. The study also contributes to furthering the current very limited knowledge and understanding of women's NGOs and the overall NGO sector's uptake and use of information and communications technology. The knowledge and the critical insight provided is not purely historical but rather as the push to take up broadband begins, has relevance to this and future technological innovations. Without an understanding of the process, requirements and challenges faced by women's NGOs and the NGO sector in general, the existing problems will continue to be replicated. The material presented in this study will be useful to all women's organisations and NGOs contemplating establishing digital communications or wishing to review their current use of these technologies. It will also be of value to government and policy makers seeking to establish policies and initiatives that will enable NGOs to take up the new information and communication technologies.

The aim of the thesis is to describe the role of a sample of NGOs in the process of changing the current situation in the field of palliative care in the Czech Republic. The essence of palliative care is to ensure the highest possible quality of life for the patient and his family. The present state of care is not sufficient for the number of palliative beds or home care service teams to meet the needs of an aging Czech population. Almost the exclusive care provider are NGOs, which also take on the role of initiator of a change in the persistent situation. Based on the data from semi-structured interviews with ten respondents, the thesis method of the case study reveals what is causing the unsatisfactory situation, what proposals its solutions civil society offers and what range of means to achieve change.

Governance is derived from the French word "gouverner", so Good Governance refers to the way to control, steer, rule, and direct the organizations by the individuals who are in charge of the management affairs. The study uses the theory of Alexis de Tocqueville (1956), which emphasizes the importance of the presence of democracy to manage the internal tasks of the organizations, so these NGOs can play a role in fostering democracy in civil society. The study intends to find out the imperatives of good NGOs' governance through linking the daily operational tasks and the applications of democratic principles inside NGOs by using the qualitative research method to collect information and compare the implementation of the imperatives of good NGOs' governance in organizations in Berlin, Cairo, and Prague. Thus, the study presents two normative frameworks; the first one is to conceptualize and operationalize the imperatives of good NGOs' governance through integrating democratic theory with the representation and participation schools, and the second one is to examine the influence of the internal and external factors on the implementation of these imperatives in NGOs. The thesis categorizes the "Good NGOs' Governance Imperatives" into managerial imperatives and democratic imperatives. The managerial...

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During its years, the European Union (EU) has experienced several different crises that have challenged its association and put democracy at risk. The financial crisis in 2009 and the migration crisis in 2015 are two difficult periods that caused a split between the member states. In 2020, the Union faced another crisis when the world witnessed the birth of the COVID-19 pandemic. To protect public health, states have introduced state of emergency (SoE) that gives the political government more power to make quick decisions and restrict residents' democratic freedoms. Discussions about how the pandemic affects democracy in the EU have been raised. This study aims to examine different views on how EU democracy is affected by the pandemic. The purpose is to identify how five different representatives of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and intuitions reason about the pandemic's effect on EU democracy. In addition, the purpose is to compare differences and similarities between their different points of view. To generate a result, the interviews were analyzed through previous research and a theoretical framework of Utilitarianism and Consequentialism. The theories analyze through a normative ethics perspective that determines what action is morally right based on the consequences of it. The results show that the pandemic has caused an acceleration of anti-democratic development and a higher concentration of power within the governments. The respondents in the study believe that the pandemic has acted as an accelerator of anti-democratic development in countries where this was already going on before the pandemic struck. Moreover, SoE has caused practical changes in democratic processes, such as restricting participation and democratic freedoms, increasing disinformation, and limiting trust-building between countries. The difference identified was that respondents from institutions did not consider that SoE harms EU’s democracy, but instead is morally right to implement. However, respondents from NGOs defined the implementation of SoE as detrimental to democracy in the EU and questioned whether it is morally right in terms of its consequences for democracy. / Den Europeiska unionen (EU) har under sina år genomgått flera olika kriser som utmanat dess association och satt demokratin på spel. Finanskrisen 2009 och Migrationskrisen 2015 är två svåra perioder som orsakade ett splittrat EU. År 2020 ställdes unionen inför ännu en kris när världen bevittnade födelsen av COVID-19 pandemin. För att skydda folkhälsan har stater infört undantagstillstånd som ger det politiska styret mer makt för att ta snabba beslut och begränsar invånares demokratiska friheter. Diskussioner kring hur pandemin påverkar demokratin i EU har lyfts. Denna studie ämnar till att granska olika synvinklar på hur EU:s demokrati påverkas av pandemin. Syftet är att identifiera hur fem olika företrädare för icke-statliga organisationer och institutioner resonerar kring pandemins effekt på EU:s demokrati. Dessutom är syftet att jämföra skillnader och likheter mellan deras olika synvinklar. För att generera ett resultat analyserades intervjuerna genom tidigare forskning och ett teoretiskt ramverk av Utilitarism och Konsekventialism. Teorierna analyserar utifrån normativ etik som bestämmer vad som är moraliskt rätt genom konsekvenser av handlingar. Resultatet visar att pandemin har orsakat en accelerering av antidemokratisk utveckling och en högre koncentration av makt. Respondenterna i studien anser att pandemin har fungerat som en accelerator av antidemokratisk utveckling i länder där detta redan pågick innan pandemin. Sedermera har undantagstillstånd orsakat praktiska förändringar i demokratiska processer så som begränsning av deltagande och demokratiska friheter, ökning av desinformation och begräsning av förtroendeskapande mellan länder. Skillnaden som identifierades var att företrädare från institutioner inte ansåg att undantagstillstånd skadar EU:s demokrati utan i stället är moraliskt rätt. Företrädare för icke-statliga organisationer definierade däremot implementeringen som skadlig för demokratin i EU och ifrågasatte om det är moraliskt rätt utifrån dess konsekvenser som skapas för demokratin.