Diploma thesis with the title "The identity of the woman and its biblical roots" deals with the issue of personality of woman and makes a suggestion for the work of the spiritual leaders. Thesis also watches the relationship between man and woman, their common elements and differences, spirituality of woman and options how to grow in the relationship with God. The starting point are the biblical texts which are in relation with the theme. The presented study goes beyond Biblical studies and works with findings of other branches of theology, such as psychology or philosophy. Diploma thesis is devided into four chapters. First chapter is devoted to the creation, male- female principle of the human and attributes of womanhood of God. The second chapter follows selected biblical female characters. The third chapter sums the previous chapters up and presents the overall biblical image of women. The last, the fourth chapter is practical. It talks about the spirituality of woman, the progress of maturation of faith, about christian ways of the pastoral approaches and forms of woman spirituality.

As a traditional country of immigration, New Zealand has often looked outside of its borders for its population composition and as a result 19 percent of New Zealand's current population were born overseas. In recent times, immigration has been used by successive governments as a means of countering severe skills shortages and off-setting a declining birth rate. While attention in the media, public and to some extent in academic circles has been largely focused on the increasing volume of immigrants to New Zealand from Asian countries, migration from Europe has often been overlooked and yet it remains an important component of the New Zealand's migration flows. This thesis explores this stream of migration - from the member states of the European Union to New Zealand - by examining the specific case study of contemporary European Union migration to the Canterbury region, incorporating migrants who live, work and study in Canterbury. The thesis used surveys and in-depth interviews in addition to secondary data to investigate the composition of the European Union migrant population in Canterbury, as well as exploring the motivations and experiences of these migrants. Conceptualising the motivations of contemporary migrants from the EU to New Zealand is difficult, due to a multiplicity of theories and frameworks surrounding the topic of migration. As such, this thesis suggests a three level framework drawn from in order to better understand the motivations of target population. Although the experiences of the surveyed migrants were largely positive, some difficulties were noted, particularly while seeking work and building friendships with New Zealanders. Finally, this thesis proposes a number of recommendations at a policy and academic level which may assist in furthering understandings of the important but often ignored group of European Union migrants in New Zealand.

The 17 July 1863 saw a British military force led by Major General Cameron, with Crimean War experience, invade the Waikato of Aotearoa New Zealand, and essentially ending for Waikato Maori on 2 April 1864 at Orakau when Cameron with 1,200 troops, defeated a group of 300 Maori that included representatives of at least nine iwi, and women and children, led by Rewi Maniapoto.In December 1863, well before the events of Orakau, the New Zealand Settlements Act of 1863 (NZSA) was passed into law. This Act’s only purpose was to confiscate 1,408,400 hectares of land from Maori; 486,500 hectares from Waikato Maori, of whom Ngati Maniapoto are an important part. The Act deprived Maori of their traditional lands and the means to participate in the economy, with serious social and economic consequences for them well into the 20th century.In 1993, tertiary educational status was granted to what was essentially an initiative of the people of Ngati Maniapoto that began in 1983 to provide educational alternatives to young people, predominately Maori. This initiative became Te Wananga o Aotearoa (TWOA). Over a period of six years from 1998, TWOA moved from being an insignificant tertiary educational institution to the largest in the country in terms of student and equivalent full time student numbers. By mid 2005, TWOA was under the control of the State, the first time such a situation had occurred in this country, and completely contrary to the independence provisions that the Education Act 1989 bestows on tertiary educational institutions.This thesis is an examination of the State’s battle for control of TWOA, to consider likely reasons why the State sought this control, and the tactics used by the State to achieve this outcome.The thesis examines the part that knowledge and access to education plays in global economics in the late 20th and early 21st century, and will consider whether knowledge and access to education was as economically important to individuals in these times, as land was in 1863.The fact that TWOA’s success was achieved completely within the parameters of the tertiary education policies of both successive Governments since 1998 was irrelevant to the NZ Labour Party led Government of 2005. They appeared to set out on a predetermined path to gain control, in order to neutralise TWOA’s growth and to then reshape the sector to ensure that such success did not happen again. The conclusion is that what was seen as a just a small ‘window’ to get some leverage, was thrown open, and very powerful levers then used, to achieve this end.

The 17 July 1863 saw a British military force led by Major General Cameron, with Crimean War experience, invade the Waikato of Aotearoa New Zealand, and essentially ending for Waikato Maori on 2 April 1864 at Orakau when Cameron with 1,200 troops, defeated a group of 300 Maori that included representatives of at least nine iwi, and women and children, led by Rewi Maniapoto.In December 1863, well before the events of Orakau, the New Zealand Settlements Act of 1863 (NZSA) was passed into law. This Act’s only purpose was to confiscate 1,408,400 hectares of land from Maori; 486,500 hectares from Waikato Maori, of whom Ngati Maniapoto are an important part. The Act deprived Maori of their traditional lands and the means to participate in the economy, with serious social and economic consequences for them well into the 20th century.In 1993, tertiary educational status was granted to what was essentially an initiative of the people of Ngati Maniapoto that began in 1983 to provide educational alternatives to young people, predominately Maori. This initiative became Te Wananga o Aotearoa (TWOA). Over a period of six years from 1998, TWOA moved from being an insignificant tertiary educational institution to the largest in the country in terms of student and equivalent full time student numbers. By mid 2005, TWOA was under the control of the State, the first time such a situation had occurred in this country, and completely contrary to the independence provisions that the Education Act 1989 bestows on tertiary educational institutions.This thesis is an examination of the State’s battle for control of TWOA, to consider likely reasons why the State sought this control, and the tactics used by the State to achieve this outcome.The thesis examines the part that knowledge and access to education plays in global economics in the late 20th and early 21st century, and will consider whether knowledge and access to education was as economically important to individuals in these times, as land was in 1863.The fact that TWOA’s success was achieved completely within the parameters of the tertiary education policies of both successive Governments since 1998 was irrelevant to the NZ Labour Party led Government of 2005. They appeared to set out on a predetermined path to gain control, in order to neutralise TWOA’s growth and to then reshape the sector to ensure that such success did not happen again. The conclusion is that what was seen as a just a small ‘window’ to get some leverage, was thrown open, and very powerful levers then used, to achieve this end.

This thesis examines the impact of the housing experiences of resettled refugees. It reiterates that becoming a refugee was not a matter of choice, but for those in refugee situations it was imperative to seek refugee status for their survival. This study focuses on the housing experiences of the Auckland Somali resettled refugees and seeks to identify the effect of housing policy and provision in Auckland. It also demonstrates the links of housing to employment, education and health. Refugees face considerable resettlement challenges based on differential factors such as ethnocentrism, immigration status, household composition and socio-economic conditions. These barriers are exacerbated by a lack of English language proficiency, a variety of educational backgrounds and unfamiliarity with institutional practices, especially during their early years of adaptation as relative newcomers to New Zealand.The vulnerable position of this group in housing markets requires up to date information to increase the provider's awareness of housing experiences and their impact on the resettlement process. In turn, an increased knowledge allows evidence-based decisions for appropriate intervention, policy, and strategy developments to facilitate optimum resettlement outcomes. Policy formulation and effective implementation must focus on the identification of suitable services to address the specific barriers experienced by this group. The empirical evidence supports previous findings that there were close correlations between the participants housing experiences that are the types of housing they occupied and their income.The study developed and implemented a Participatory Research Design involving a case study approach with multiple data collection methods. The primary field data was collected from focus group participants through a workshop of qualitative discussion and a survey.

Ziel der vorliegenden Arbeit war es, anhand des Beispiels der Residenzstadt Dresden die von der Forschung bislang nur in groben Zügen erschlossene Einwanderung habsburgischer Konfessionsflüchtlinge in Kursachsen während des 17. und der ersten Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts zu untersuchen. Hierzu wurde vor allem zwei grundsätzlichen Fragen nachgegangen: Zum einen sollte die in Dresden feststellbare Einwanderung in ihrer Genese nachvollzogen und auf quantitative wie qualitative Umbrüche hin analysiert werden. Und zum anderen war die beschriebene Migration in die obrigkeitliche Aufnahme- und Integrationspolitik einzubetten, wozu eine Konzentration auf die drei Themenkreise der rechtlichen, wirtschaftlichen und kirchlichen Integration erfolgte. Im Gegensatz zu dem in der Sekundärliteratur wiedergegebenen Bild der Exulanten als einer recht homogenen Gruppe zeigte es sich, dass diese sehr wohl differenziert werden können und müssen. So handelte es sich bei der von circa 1600 bis 1730 stattgefundenen Einwanderung um keine gleichförmige Bewegung, sondern diese wies einen stark wellenförmigen Charakter auf – wobei die einwanderungsintensiven und -schwachen Zeiträume der jeweiligen Emigrationsentwicklung in den habsburgischen Territorien folgten. Während der verschiedenen Migrationswellen der zwanziger und dreißiger Jahre des 17. Jahrhunderts wandten sich circa 200 bis 250 Familien nach Dresden, die insgesamt etwa 1000 Personen umfassten. Zwischen 1650 und 1730 – mit besonders einwanderungsstarken Wellen in den 1650er-, 1680er- und 1720er-Jahren – ließen sich vermutlich noch einmal weitere 2000 Personen nieder. Da ein nicht näher bestimmbarer, aber nicht unbedeutender Teil der Einwanderer die Stadt aus rechtlichen, finanziellen oder konfessionellen Gründen wieder verlassen musste, kann die zwischen 1600 und 1730 erfolgte Gesamteinwanderung nur grob auf etwa 2000 bis 2500 Personen geschätzt werden. Wenn dabei die böhmische Einwanderung eindeutig dominierte, so lassen sich gleichwohl Exulanten aus Österreich, Mähren, Schlesien und Ungarn nachweisen.  Hinsichtlich der Sozialstruktur der Migranten ist eine deutliche Zäsur für das Ende des Dreißigjährigen Krieges festzustellen. Gehörten die Einwanderer der 1620er- und 30er-Jahre vorrangig den gesellschaftlichen Mittel- und Oberschichten an, so verschob sich die Sozialstruktur seit 1650 immer stärker zu den städtischen und ländlichen Unterschichten. Charakteristisch für diese Zäsur ist zudem die jeweilige Muttersprache der Einwanderer: Immigrierten während des Dreißigjährigen Krieges vorrangig deutschsprachige Exulanten, überwogen danach die tschechischsprachigen. Ohne dass auf die jeweils individuellen Emigrationsentscheidungen eingegangen werden konnte, offenbarte allein der Blick aus der Makroperspektive, dass die unter dem Topos ‚Exulanten’ zusammengefasste Migration nicht nur auf konfessionelle Motive reduziert werden kann. Gab auch bei einem Großteil der Einwanderer das Bekenntnis zu ihrem Glauben den initiierenden Anlass zur Auswanderung, zeigten doch einige Migrationswellen deutlich andere Ursachen. Während sich etwa die Anfang bis Mitte der 1620er-Jahre erfolgte adlige und bürgerliche Einwanderung noch vorrangig politisch motiviert erwies, kamen seit den 1650er-Jahren bei vielen Migranten verstärkt wirtschaftliche Motive hinzu. Da jedoch die Einwanderer ihre Migration auf konfessionelle Ursachen zurückführen mussten, um sich in Kursachsen oder speziell in Dresden niederlassen zu dürfen, prägte der religiöse Aspekt von Anfang an den offiziellen Einwanderungsdiskurs und übertrug sich von diesem auf die Fremdwahrnehmung der Gesamteinwanderung. Die in der traditionellen Forschungsliteratur, aus konfessioneller Solidarität heraus, beschriebene bereitwillige Aufnahme der Einwanderer in Kursachsen konnte empirisch nicht nachvollzogen werden. Vielmehr stellte die in den zwanziger Jahren des 17. Jahrhunderts einsetzende Massenimmigration die weltlichen und geistlichen Zentralbehörden vor eine in dieser Dimension bisher unbekannte Situation, für die keine einheitliche politische Richtlinie existierte. Erst im Lauf der Zeit entwickelten sich aus anfänglichen Einzelfallentscheidungen allmählich Grundsatzbestimmungen, die beständig dem sich modifizierenden Einwanderungsgeschehen angepasst werden mussten. Zudem standen die Behörden den Migranten in politischer wie konfessioneller Hinsicht lange Zeit äußert skeptisch gegenüber. Kurfürst Johann Georg I., der mit der Aufnahme der in Sachsen politisch und konfessionell unter Generalverdacht stehenden Migranten die militärische Sicherheit seiner wichtigsten Landesfestung bedroht sah, wollte deren Einwanderung in Dresden eigentlich so weit wie möglich unterbinden. Innerhalb weniger Jahre zeigte sich jedoch, dass es an den hierzu geeigneten Kontroll- und Exekutionsmöglichkeiten mangelte. Trotz der restriktiv gehandhabten Aufnahmepolitik entwickelte sich Dresden bereits in den 1620er-Jahren zu einem der kursächsischen Einwanderungszentren. Aufgrund der politischen und konfessionellen Vorbehalte waren die Behörden bestrebt, die Einwanderer so schnell wie möglich rechtlich und kirchlich zu integrieren, um so die notwendige Kontrolle über sie zu gewährleisten. Von den Exulanten wurde daher regelrecht gefordert, sich mittels der Annahme des Bürgerrechts an den Landesherrn und die Stadt Dresden zu binden. Zudem waren sie verpflichtet, sich in die bestehenden Kirchgemeinden zu integrieren, um dort nicht nur konfessionell von der Dresdner Geistlichkeit überwacht werden zu können. Im Gegensatz zur bisherigen Forschungsmeinung hoffte der Großteil der Dresdner Exulanten während des Dreißigjährigen Krieges nicht darauf, in die Heimat zurückzukehren, und verwehrte sich aus diesem Grund seiner Integration, sondern die meisten Einwanderer wollten sich in der kursächsischen Residenz eine neue Existenz aufbauen und zeigten eine entsprechend hohe Eingliederungsbereitschaft. Wenn sich hinsichtlich der Integrationspolitik die landesherrlichen und städtischen Interessen größtenteils deckten, so wiesen sie doch auch deutliche Unterschiede auf. Für den Dresdner Rat gestaltete sich die Eingliederung der Migranten – insbesondere im rechtlichen und ökonomischen Bereich – weitaus komplexer und konkreter als für den Landesherrn. Obwohl immer wieder städtische Forderungen laut wurden, die politischen Richtlinien den sich verändernden Bedingungen anzupassen, ging die landesherrliche Ebene oftmals nur mit einer spürbaren zeitlichen Verzögerung darauf ein. Insgesamt gesehen existierte somit auch keine starre Integrationspolitik, sondern diese blieb einem stetigen Entwicklungsprozess unterworfen. Als größte Schwierigkeit erwies sich jedoch, dass nicht jeder integrationsbereite Einwanderer auch über die notwendigen Voraussetzungen zur Eingliederung verfügte. Um das Ziel einer umfassenden Kontrolle und Disziplinierung umzusetzen, sah sich die obrigkeitliche Seite gezwungen, den Einwanderern mit speziellen Integrationsangeboten entgegenzukommen – was sich bei allen drei untersuchten Themenkreisen nachvollziehen lässt: 1. Der rechtliche Bereich: Weil vielen Exulanten die rechtlichen und finanziellen Voraussetzungen fehlten, um das geforderte Bürgerrecht erwerben zu können, mussten ihnen Zugeständnisse eingeräumt werden. Hierzu zählen unter anderem das Privileg, nur die Schutzverwandtschaft anzunehmen, sowie die seit spätestens 1660 verringerten rechtlichen Zugangsbedingungen zur Einbürgerung. 2. Wirtschaftlicher Bereich: Ohne den Besitz des Bürgerrechts durften die Einwanderer keinem bürgerlichen Gewerbe nachgehen, sodass ihnen auch hier entgegenzukommen war. Da sich die obrigkeitlichen Versuche, ihnen außerhalb des Zunftzwangs den Zugang zu den Innungen zu gewährleisten, als nicht umsetzbar erwiesen, mussten ihnen wiederum die Zugangsvoraussetzungen zum Bürgerrecht erleichtert werden. 3. Kirchlicher Bereich: Von jedem Einwanderer wurde gefordert, sich streng an die lutherische Orthodoxie zu halten und regelmäßig an Gottesdiensten und Abendmahl teilzunehmen. Während es hierbei mit den in den 1620er- und 1630er-Jahren eingewanderten deutschsprachigen Migranten keine Schwierigkeiten gab – konnten diese sich doch in die bestehenden Kirchgemeinden integrieren und waren so durch Pfarrer und Superintendent kontrollierbar – funktionierte dieses System bei den seit etwa 1640 einwandernden tschechischsprachigen Exulanten nicht mehr. Um auch hier einen kontrollfreien Raum zu vermeiden, wurde den fremdsprachigen Einwanderern zugestanden, unter der Führung eines zuverlässigen lutherischen Geistlichen muttersprachliche Gottesdienste abzuhalten. Die Integrationsangebote waren letztendlich zwar stärker an den Interessen der Obrigkeit und der Aufnahmegesellschaft als an denen der Einwanderer ausgerichtet, besaßen aber doch für beide Seiten überaus positive Folgen. Die Exulanten wurden nicht in eine gesellschaftliche Randlage gedrückt oder sogar ausgegrenzt, sondern sie wurden in verschiedenen Teilbereichen vollwertig integriert, was es ihnen erleichterte, sich eine neue Existenz aufzubauen. Für die Obrigkeit wiederum konnte mit der Integration der Exulanten die Entstehung kontrollfreier Räume verhindert werden, und sowohl das Land als auch die Stadt Dresden profitierten wirtschaftlich von den Immigranten – sei es nun als Konsumenten, Steuerzahler, qualifizierte Handwerker oder billige Lohnarbeiter.

This thesis examines how nine teachers in four New Zealand secondary schools are using digital technology in music education in order to gain a greater understanding of how it is used, why it is used and what constraints may exist that hinder implementation. This thesis contends that although there was evidence of considerable use of digital technology in the schools, particularly in composition activities, a range of factors are influencing the choices teachers are making as to how they are using it. Despite the potential digital technology may have to transform classroom activities in music education, usage, in most cases, remains fundamentally conservative and heavily informed by traditional Western art music practices. A multi-site case study approach guided this investigation. Initial descriptive numerical data were gathered from teacher and student questionnaires. Further data came from the semi-structured interviews with teachers and small groups of students in each of the four cases. Findings from the data showed that although the teachers participating in the study had a range of digital technology available to them and they made use of it on a regular basis, a range of factors influenced the choices they made when using it in their classrooms. Amongst this range of factors influencing the choices they made, the most important appeared to be the requirements of an external examination system that is remains informed by Western art music practices and in particular on the cognitive dimensions of analysis, harmony, music history, traditional aural skills and an understanding of music notation and theory. Even though there are specific references to a range of styles and genres in the mandated national curriculum, Western art music practices remain most important to most of the teachers. Findings from the student data showed that the students participating in this study appeared to have a high level of digital literacy and were able to use digital technology in both formal and informal learning situations. A number of the students also discussed and demonstrated their informal music learning skills in performance and composition activities. For these students, contemporary music practices are very important to them and if they do not receive the information they need at school they know how to access it using a range of digital devices in an informal learning environment. This thesis contends that to be a successful music educator in the 21st century, the ability to work with Western art music practices and contemporary music practices is becoming an increasingly important skill.

This thesis explores the significance of the newspaper press in a settler society, in this case Poverty Bay on the east coast of the North Island of New Zealand. It examines the circumstances of such a society's communications needs and problems, and its demographic structure. It also looks at the changing patterns of journalism in nineteenth century New Zealand and elsewhere and, importantly, printing's technological progress as it affected a provincial newspaper. Remoteness was a dominating feature of the Poverty Bay district and European settlement was slow to develop. The consequence was twofold: institutions, such as the church, the press and the school, were already well-established in New Zealand by the time this second frontier region began to attract much attention - in the case of the press this meant an interconnectedness from the outset, with ideas and staff emanating from established New Zealand circles - and communication difficulties caused by isolation. Poverty Bay's first newspaper, the Poverty Bay Standard, began in 1872, more than thirty years after New Zealand's first newspaper, the New Zealand Gazette. The 1870s saw a clamour of activity. This was reflected in the district's press, not only within its pages, but also with considerable competition and changing of ownership. Eventually one newspaper, the Poverty Bay Herald, succeeded where all others failed. The Poverty Bay Herald has remained in the hands of one family since experienced printer Allan Ramsay Muir became part-owner in 1884. Thus, the family and the community have been intertwined for one hundred and twenty years. Good provincial newspapers provide a cohesive element in their society or they do not succeed. The Poverty Bay Herald initially survived through luck and useful friends but it became a beacon for its community in that it reflected success and modernity. Many others attempted to dislodge it or share the stage, but the Poverty Bay Herald played, and still plays, a significant role as the former 'out district' stabilized and advanced.

This thesis examines the impact of the housing experiences of resettled refugees. It reiterates that becoming a refugee was not a matter of choice, but for those in refugee situations it was imperative to seek refugee status for their survival. This study focuses on the housing experiences of the Auckland Somali resettled refugees and seeks to identify the effect of housing policy and provision in Auckland. It also demonstrates the links of housing to employment, education and health. Refugees face considerable resettlement challenges based on differential factors such as ethnocentrism, immigration status, household composition and socio-economic conditions. These barriers are exacerbated by a lack of English language proficiency, a variety of educational backgrounds and unfamiliarity with institutional practices, especially during their early years of adaptation as relative newcomers to New Zealand.The vulnerable position of this group in housing markets requires up to date information to increase the provider's awareness of housing experiences and their impact on the resettlement process. In turn, an increased knowledge allows evidence-based decisions for appropriate intervention, policy, and strategy developments to facilitate optimum resettlement outcomes. Policy formulation and effective implementation must focus on the identification of suitable services to address the specific barriers experienced by this group. The empirical evidence supports previous findings that there were close correlations between the participants housing experiences that are the types of housing they occupied and their income.The study developed and implemented a Participatory Research Design involving a case study approach with multiple data collection methods. The primary field data was collected from focus group participants through a workshop of qualitative discussion and a survey.

No description available.