A Serra Gaúcha é considerada uma área densa de vocações turística, histórico-cultural, enogastronômica e industrial. Entendendo Serra Gaúcha‟ como demarcação de determinados setores regionais, parte-se do princípio de que se constitua, segundo processos de conceptualização, como uma categoria conceitual. Assim, com o aparato da Linguística Cognitiva, analisa-se como essa categoria SERRA GAÚCHA é demarcada no discurso turístico publicitário. Há diversas formas de demarcação: regiões culturais (em função de traços da imigração), geografia, setor turístico (divisão em microrregiões turísticas conforme Secretaria do Turismo do Estado), agrupamentos em função de interesses econômicos (setor moveleiro, vinícola e metalúrgico). Nesta dissertação, investigam-se as diferentes formas de categorizar a região nomeada Serra Gaúcha‟ um topônimo pela perspectiva do setor turístico, com o objetivo de identificar os modelos cognitivos e culturais subjacentes aos discursos que constituem o corpus de estudo, composto de material de divulgação turística da Serra Gaúcha. Verifica-se que as demarcações regionais no discurso turístico publicitário fazem uso de modelos metafóricos e metonímicos, que geram efeitos de prototipicidade. Especificamente, SERRA GAÚCHA é conceptualizada, metonimicamente, por referência aos produtos gerados na região, demarcando-a como mercados potenciais de consumo. As características (metonimizadas ou metaforizadas) têm o papel de atrair o turista para um mercado de opções de consumo: natureza, patrimônio cultural, gastronomia, produtos "típicos", entre outros. / Submitted by Marcelo Teixeira (mvteixeira@ucs.br) on 2014-06-05T17:02:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Garine Andrea Keller.pdf: 6628976 bytes, checksum: 553e0efb515deb17c15973bad00c07d7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-05T17:02:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Garine Andrea Keller.pdf: 6628976 bytes, checksum: 553e0efb515deb17c15973bad00c07d7 (MD5) / Serra Gaúcha is considered a dense area of tourist vocations tourist, historical-cultural, enogastronomy and industrial. Understanding "Serra Gaúcha" as the demarcation of certain regional areas, we start from the principle that it constitutes, according to a conceptualization process, as a conceptual category. Through means of Cognitive Linguistics, we analyze how the category SERRA GAUCHA is constructed on tourist advertising discourse. There are several forms of demarcation: cultural regions (due immigration traces), geography, tourism industry (division in micro tourist region following State Secretariat of Tourism) and sectorial groups of economic interests (furniture, metallurgical and wine). In this dissertation, we investigated different ways of categorizing the region named "Serra Gaúcha" a toponym from tourism sector perspective. We look forward to identify cognitive and cultural models underlying the discourses that constitute the corpus of study, compound of tourism advertising material of the Serra Gaúcha . It appears that the regional demarcations in tourist advertising discourse use metaphoric and metonymic models, which generate effects of prototypically. Specifically, Serra Gaúcha is conceptualized, metonymically, by reference to the products generated in the region, demarcating it as a potential consumer markets. Characteristics (metonymically or metaphorically) have a role in attracting tourists to a market of consumer choices: nature, cultural patrimony, gastronomy, typical products, among others.

This dissertation studies the place names described in the sesmarias letters certificates in Sergipe Del Rey captaincy issued from 1594 to 1623. This nominata is analyzed out of Felisbelo Freire s paleographic transcription (1891), and compared with the manuscript documents, which cover the earliest period of the European territorial occupation in Sergipe. From this point, what can be seen is an active interaction between settlers and Indians, due to the large number of place names in native language. Therefore, the intentions of maintenance around toponymic native names can be pointed out, as well as the influence of the settlers in the appointment of local accidents, confirming the idea that the relationship between man and environment is present on the toponymic network. Thus, we consider these toponymic signs into an ethno linguistic perspective, both in its structural aspect spelling, form, origin as well as discursive semantic-history. Through toponimic records, eighty-one toponyms were collected, classified and interpreted - and out of those 73 toponyms were related to Sergipe, fifty-eight are of indigenous origin enabling us to find lexical reminiscent and linguistic phenomena, such as phonetics, spelling, morphology, semantics, exposed after this interethnic contact. As theoretical support, we make use of Onomastics, Historiography on colonial Sergipe, Linguistics, specifically native languages. In summary, as this document about Sergipe consists of one of the most reliable sources of information, we believe to have contributed to the preparation of a future toponymic glossary in Sergipe for the limited period. / Esta dissertação investiga os nomes de lugares inscritos nas certidões de cartas de sesmarias da capitania de Sergipe Del Rey emitidas entre 1594 e 1623. Essa nominata é examinada a partir da transcrição paleográfica de Felisbelo Freire (1891), e confrontada com os manuscritos destes documentos, abarcando o período inicial da ocupação territorial dos europeus em terras sergipanas. Temos como hipótese uma relação ativa entre colonizadores e indígenas, haja vista o grande número de topônimos indígenas no corpus. Por isso, pontuamos ser intencional a manutenção das denominações nativas, bem como a influência dos colonos na nomeação dos acidentes locais, confirmando o princípio de que a relação entre homem e meio está presente na rede toponímica. Assim, consideramos o signo toponímico numa perspectiva etnolinguística, tanto em seu aspecto estrutural grafia, forma, origem , quanto discursivo semântico-histórico. Por meio de fichas lexicográfico-toponímicas, catalogamos, classificamos e interpretamos os setenta e três topônimos coletados sendo que cinquenta e sete são de procedência indígena , percebendo reminiscências lexicais e fenômenos linguísticos (fonéticos, ortográficos, morfossemânticos), expostos a partir desse contato interétnico. Como suportes teóricos, valemo-nos da Onomástica, da Historiografia sobre Sergipe colonial e de postulados linguísticos acerca da constituição da toponímia sergipana, especificamente dos idiomas envoltos. Em suma, como o corpus constitui um dos mais antigos e fidedignos documentos sobre Sergipe, cremos ter contribuído para a confecção de um futuro glossário toponímico para o período delimitado.

A Serra Gaúcha é considerada uma área densa de vocações turística, histórico-cultural, enogastronômica e industrial. Entendendo Serra Gaúcha‟ como demarcação de determinados setores regionais, parte-se do princípio de que se constitua, segundo processos de conceptualização, como uma categoria conceitual. Assim, com o aparato da Linguística Cognitiva, analisa-se como essa categoria SERRA GAÚCHA é demarcada no discurso turístico publicitário. Há diversas formas de demarcação: regiões culturais (em função de traços da imigração), geografia, setor turístico (divisão em microrregiões turísticas conforme Secretaria do Turismo do Estado), agrupamentos em função de interesses econômicos (setor moveleiro, vinícola e metalúrgico). Nesta dissertação, investigam-se as diferentes formas de categorizar a região nomeada Serra Gaúcha‟ um topônimo pela perspectiva do setor turístico, com o objetivo de identificar os modelos cognitivos e culturais subjacentes aos discursos que constituem o corpus de estudo, composto de material de divulgação turística da Serra Gaúcha. Verifica-se que as demarcações regionais no discurso turístico publicitário fazem uso de modelos metafóricos e metonímicos, que geram efeitos de prototipicidade. Especificamente, SERRA GAÚCHA é conceptualizada, metonimicamente, por referência aos produtos gerados na região, demarcando-a como mercados potenciais de consumo. As características (metonimizadas ou metaforizadas) têm o papel de atrair o turista para um mercado de opções de consumo: natureza, patrimônio cultural, gastronomia, produtos "típicos", entre outros. / Serra Gaúcha is considered a dense area of tourist vocations tourist, historical-cultural, enogastronomy and industrial. Understanding "Serra Gaúcha" as the demarcation of certain regional areas, we start from the principle that it constitutes, according to a conceptualization process, as a conceptual category. Through means of Cognitive Linguistics, we analyze how the category SERRA GAUCHA is constructed on tourist advertising discourse. There are several forms of demarcation: cultural regions (due immigration traces), geography, tourism industry (division in micro tourist region following State Secretariat of Tourism) and sectorial groups of economic interests (furniture, metallurgical and wine). In this dissertation, we investigated different ways of categorizing the region named "Serra Gaúcha" a toponym from tourism sector perspective. We look forward to identify cognitive and cultural models underlying the discourses that constitute the corpus of study, compound of tourism advertising material of the Serra Gaúcha . It appears that the regional demarcations in tourist advertising discourse use metaphoric and metonymic models, which generate effects of prototypically. Specifically, Serra Gaúcha is conceptualized, metonymically, by reference to the products generated in the region, demarcating it as a potential consumer markets. Characteristics (metonymically or metaphorically) have a role in attracting tourists to a market of consumer choices: nature, cultural patrimony, gastronomy, typical products, among others.

This study analyses the different social variables that conditioned the naming of schools during the colonial period in Zimbabwe (1890-1979). The study collects and analyses the names given to schools in Salisbury (including Chitungwiza), Umtali and Fort Victoria the colonial period in Zimbabwe. The study adopts Geosemiotics, a theory propounded by Scollon and Scollon (2003), together with insights from Semantics, Semiotics and Pragmatics in the analysis of school names. Critical Discourse Analysis is used a method of data analysis. One of the main findings of the study is that place names are discourses of power which are used to express and legitimise power because they are part of the symbolic emblems of power. It was possible to ‘read’ the politics during the colonial period in Zimbabwe through the place names used in the colonial society. Both Europeans and Africans made conscious efforts to imbue public places with meanings. Overally, people who have access to power have ultimate control over place naming in any society. In this case, they manipulate place naming system in order to inscribe their own meanings and versions of history in the toponomastic landscape. The second finding is that place names are critical place-making devices that can be used to create imagined boundaries between people living in the same environment. Place names are useful discourses that index sameness and differences of people in a nation-state. Place names exist in interaction and kinship with other discourses in making places and imposing an identity on the landscape. Semiotics, Semantics and Pragmatics are instrumental in the appreciation of the meaning conveyed by school names. This study makes an important contribution to onomastic research in the sense that its findings can be generalised to other place naming categories during the colonial period in Zimbabwe. This study provides background information on how place naming was done during thecolonial period in Zimbabwe. This makes it significant because it provides insights on place naming in other states that went through the colonial experience, in Africa or elsewhere in the world. / African Languages

This study analyses the different social variables that conditioned the naming of schools during the colonial period in Zimbabwe (1890-1979). The study collects and analyses the names given to schools in Salisbury (including Chitungwiza), Umtali and Fort Victoria the colonial period in Zimbabwe. The study adopts Geosemiotics, a theory propounded by Scollon and Scollon (2003), together with insights from Semantics, Semiotics and Pragmatics in the analysis of school names. Critical Discourse Analysis is used a method of data analysis. One of the main findings of the study is that place names are discourses of power which are used to express and legitimise power because they are part of the symbolic emblems of power. It was possible to ‘read’ the politics during the colonial period in Zimbabwe through the place names used in the colonial society. Both Europeans and Africans made conscious efforts to imbue public places with meanings. Overally, people who have access to power have ultimate control over place naming in any society. In this case, they manipulate place naming system in order to inscribe their own meanings and versions of history in the toponomastic landscape. The second finding is that place names are critical place-making devices that can be used to create imagined boundaries between people living in the same environment. Place names are useful discourses that index sameness and differences of people in a nation-state. Place names exist in interaction and kinship with other discourses in making places and imposing an identity on the landscape. Semiotics, Semantics and Pragmatics are instrumental in the appreciation of the meaning conveyed by school names. This study makes an important contribution to onomastic research in the sense that its findings can be generalised to other place naming categories during the colonial period in Zimbabwe. This study provides background information on how place naming was done during thecolonial period in Zimbabwe. This makes it significant because it provides insights on place naming in other states that went through the colonial experience, in Africa or elsewhere in the world. / African Languages / D. Lit. et Phil. (African Languages)

Text in English / This qualitative study presents an onomastic perspective on the changing linguistic landscape of Zimbabwe which resulted from the post-2000 land reforms (also known as the Third Chimurenga). When veterans of Zimbabwe’s War of Liberation assumed occupancy of former white-owned farms, they immediately pronounced their take-over of the land through changes in place names. The resultant toponymic landscape is anchored in the discourses of the First and Second Chimurenga. Through recasting the Chimurenga (war of liberation) narrative, the proponents of the post-2000 land reforms endeavoured to create a historical continuum from the colonisation of Zimbabwe in 1890 to the post-2000 reforms, which were perceived as an attempt to redress the historical anomaly of land inequality. The aim of this study is to examine toponymic changes on the geo-linguistic landscape, and establish the extent of the changes and the post-colonial identity portrayed by these place names. Within the case study design, research methods included in-depth interviews, document study and observations as means of data generation. Through the application of critical and sociolinguistic theories in the form of post-colonial theory, complemented by geo-semiotics, political semiotics and language ecology, this study uncovers the richness of toponymy in exposing a cryptic social narrative reflective of, among others, contestations of power. The findings indicate that post-2000 toponymy is a complex mixture of pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial place names. These names recast the various narratives in respect of the history of Zimbabwe through the erasure of colonial toponyms and resuscitation older Chimurenga names. The resultant picture portrayed by post-2000 toponymy communicates a complex message of contested land ownership in Zimbabwe. There is a pronounced legacy of colonial toponymy that testifies to the British Imperial occupation of the land and the ideologies behind colonisation. This presence of colonial toponymy many years after independence is an ironic confirmation of the indelible legacy of British colonialism in Zimbabwe. The findings show a clear recasting of the discourses of violence and racial hostility, but also reveal an interesting trend of toponymic syncretism where colonial names are retained and used together with new names. / Linguistics and Modern Languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (Linguistics)

This study has collected and analysed a database of place-names containing potential ethnonymic elements. Competing models of ethnicity are investigated and applied to names about which there is reasonable confidence. A number of motivations for employment of ethnonyms in place-names emerge. Ongoing interaction between ethnicities is marked by reference to domain or borderland, and occasional interaction by reference to resource or transit. More superficial interaction is expressed in names of commemorative, antiquarian or figurative motivation. The implications of the names for our understanding of the history of individual ethnicities are considered. Distribution of Walh-names has been extended north into Scotland; but reference may be to Romance-speaking feudal incomers, not the British. Briton-names are confirmed in Cumberland and are found on and beyond the fringes of the polity of Strathclyde. Dumbarton, however, is an antiquarian coining. Distribution of Cumbrian-names suggests that the south side of the Solway Firth was not securely under Cumbrian influence; but also that the ethnicity, expanding in the tenth century, was found from the Ayrshire coast to East Lothian, with the Saxon culture under pressure in the Southern Uplands. An ethnonym borrowed from British in the name Cumberland and the Lothian outlier of Cummercolstoun had either entered northern English dialect or was being employed by the Cumbrians themselves to coin these names in Old English. If the latter, such self-referential pronouncement in a language contact situation was from a position of status, in contrast to the ethnicism of the Gaels. Growing Gaelic self-awareness is manifested in early-modern domain demarcation and self-referential naming of routes across the cultural boundary. But by the nineteenth century cultural change came from within, with the impact felt most acutely in west-mainland and Hebridean Argyll, according to the toponymic evidence. Earlier interfaces between Gaelic and Scots are indicated on the east of the Firth of Clyde by the early fourteenth century, under the Sidlaws and in Buchan by the fifteenth, in Caithness and in Perthshire by the sixteenth. Earlier, Norse-speakers may have referred to Gaels in the hills of Kintyre. The border between Scotland and England was toponymically marked, but not until the modern era. In Carrick, Argyll and north and west of the Great Glen, Albanians were to be contrasted, not necessarily linguistically, from neighbouring Gaelic-speakers; Alba is probably to be equated with the ancient territory of Scotia. Early Scot-names, recorded from the twelfth century, similarly reflect expanding Scotian influence in Cumberland and Lothian. However, late instances refer to Gaelic-speakers. Most Eireannach-names refer to wedder goats rather than the ethnonym, but residual Gaelic-speakers in east Dumfriesshire are indicated by Erisch­-names at the end of the fifteenth century or later. Others west into Galloway suggest an earlier Irish immigration, probably as a consequence of normanisation and of engagement in Irish Sea politics. Other immigrants include French estate administrators, Flemish wool producers and English feudal subjects. The latter have long been discussed, but the relationship of the north-eastern Ingliston-names to mottes is rejected, and that of the south-western Ingleston-names is rather to former motte-hills with degraded fortifications. Most Dane-names are also antiquarian, attracted less by folk memory than by modern folklore. The Goill could also be summoned out of the past to explain defensive remains in particular. Antiquarianism in the eighteenth century onwards similarly ascribed many remains to the Picts and the Cruithnians, though in Shetland a long-standing supernatural association with the Picts may have been maintained. Ethnicities were invoked to personify past cultures, but ethnonyms also commemorate actual events, typified by Sasannach-names. These tend to recall dramatic, generally fatal, incidents, usually involving soldiers or sailors. Any figures of secular authority or hostile activity from outwith the community came to be considered Goill, but also agents of ecclesiastical authority or economic activity and passing travellers by land or sea. The label Goill, ostensibly providing 178 of the 652 probable ethnonymic database entries, is in most names no indication of ethnicity, culture or language. It had a medieval geographical reference, however, to Hebrideans, and did develop renewed, early-modern specificity in response to a vague concept of Scottish society outwith the Gaelic cultural domain. The study concludes by considering the forms of interaction between ethnicities and looking at the names as a set. It proposes classification of those recalled in the names as overlord, interloper or native.