Essa tese tem como objetivo o desenvolvimento de métricas para a mensuração dos fatores determinantes da competitividade da economia de países. Parte-se de uma noção estrutural e sistêmica da competitividade, baseada nos estudos de autores relacionados à teoria evolucionária do desenvolvimento econômico, para conceituar competitividade nacional como uma capacidade de os países gerarem competências que darão suporte a seu processo competitivo dinâmico. O debate sobre a criação de métricas de competitividade nacional vem sendo travado nas ciências econômicas e de gestão, e indicam a necessidade de incorporar a mensuração de fatores relacionados à dinâmica da competição no mercado internacional e, principalmente, seus determinantes. Dessa forma, esse trabalho se insere no debate sobre a dinâmica da competitividade nacional baseada em competências para a emergência de vantagens competitivas nas economias nacionais e setores industriais. A proposta aqui desenvolvida consiste na construção de um painel de métricas de indicadores organizado em dimensões de fatores que afetam o desenvolvimento de competências nos países. Metodologias de análise estatística multivariada de dados serão utilizadas para a análise dos dados e, por fim, análises comparativas baseadas em correlações canônicas serão feitas para testar sua validade. / This thesis aims to develop metrics to measure the determinants of competitiveness of national economies. It is based on a structural and systemic notion of competitiveness, based on the studies of authors related to the evolutionary theory of economic development, to conceptualize national competitiveness as the capacity of countries to generate capabilities that will support its dynamic competitive process. The debate on the creation of national competitiveness metrics has been caught in fields of economics and management, and indicates the need to incorporate the measurement of factors related to the dynamics of competition in the international market and especially its determinants. Thus, this work is part of the debate on the dynamics of national competitiveness based on capabilities for the emergence of competitive advantages in the domestic and industrial sectors of economies. The proposal developed here involves the construction of a spreadsheet of indicators organized into dimensions of factors that affect the development of capabilities for competitiveness in countries. Multivariate statistical methods are used to analyze the data and finally comparative analysis based on canonical correlations are made to test their validity. s, multivariate statistical analysis.

1980年代以來，國家競爭力的概念漸受重視，提升國家競爭力成為各國政府主要的施政目標。雖然國家競爭力因具有一定的重要性而被各界所接受，但時至今日仍缺乏對其共通之定義及衡量方法。本文係以目前最具公信力的衡量機構，即瑞士洛桑國際管理學院 (IMD) 與世界經濟論壇 (WEF) 所做的國家競爭力研究報告加以探討。 本研究以政府活動的內生成長模型為理論基礎，由政府支出面來探討其與國家競爭力的關係及影響國家競爭力的程度。經由具有公信力的國家競爭力評比中，選取具有比較性的國家，研究其支出結構的變動對其競爭力排名是否造成影響。本研究結果，主要發現，一般公共服務及公共秩序支出比重，對國家競爭力的提升有所幫助，但並非具有絕對正向關係；教育支出比重較高，對國家競爭力的提升具有正面效果；保健支出比重及經濟支出比重無法直接影響國家競爭力相關細項指標；政府投入適度的社福支出，對整體社會的穩定有所幫助。並提出可參採建議為，預算支出結構並無各國一體適用的最佳配置，應尋求符合國家整體最大利益的配置方式；參考先進國家預算支出結構，適當調整我國各項職能所占比重；知識經濟時代，宜由增加教育投資，提升國家整體人力素質；今後國家的發展，宜注意各項預算支出對國家競爭力實際可能產生的影響；政府各部門宜重視公共支出如何配合施政目標，以提升政府效率。 / Since the 1980s, the concept of national competitiveness has gradually gained attentions, and how to enhance national competitiveness becomes a major goal for the governments. Although this concept has been widely accepted because of its importance, until today there doesn’t have common definitions and measurements against the competitiveness. This paper is produced by exploration of the reports in regards to the competitiveness of countries of the world which were generated by the most credible unions, the International Institute for Management Development in Switzerland (IMD) and the World Economic Forum (WEF). This paper researches, with references to endogenous growth theory, the relationships between the government expenditures and country’s competitiveness. Through the credible comparability assessments, this paper selects major countries to research how the expenditure structures influence the national competitiveness. The important conclusion from this research tells that it’s not always positive correlation between the weighting of government’s general public services expenditure and the improvement of country’s competitiveness, though general public services expenditure is helpful for competitiveness. Education expenditure does positively affect the competitiveness. The weighting of health expenditure and economic affairs expenditure can’t affect relevant competitiveness indicators. Appropriate social welfare from government helps for the stabilization of the society. This research suggests there is no best budget structure fits in with all countries, governments need to assess respective budget allocation approach to maximize the interests for the country. Governments can refer to developed countries for their budget structure in relevant areas to adjust own budget allocation. In the era of knowledge centric economy, governments should lift manpower quality by allocation of more resources in education. In view of country’s development in the future, governments should be aware how budget structure can affect country’s competitiveness. All departments of the government should care how public expenditure can support country’s goals in order to enhance government performance.

Peruvian voters abroad have participated for 36 years in domestic elections. This community has a political and economic agenda which is not represented in the Peruvian legislature. The Peruvian political elites neglect that the current institutional design disregards this group. Peruvian voters abroad have a particular set of offers and demands related to the migrant reality. This article analyzes the political engineering of the representation of voters abroad in the Peruvian electoral design and compares it to other political scenarios. Since other countries with similar voting populations such as Croatia and Ecuador have special constituencies of national residents living abroad, it is paradoxical that Peru has not yet one. The study shows the inconsistencies of the arguments that have hindered the creation of the special district of Peruvians voters abroad and discusses proposals for an applied reform. / Los peruanos en el exterior vienen participando 36 años en los procesos electorales del Perú. Esta comunidad tiene un potencial político y económico que no se representa en el Legislativo peruano. El actual diseño político institucional obvia que este grupo tiene un conjunto de ofertas y demandas particulares de la realidad migrante que las élites políticas desatienden. En el presente artículo, se analiza el tratamiento político que se le ha dado a la representación de los peruanos en el exterior en el diseño legislativo electoral peruano y se evalúa en perspectiva comparada. Dado que otros países en el mundo con poblaciones electorales parecidas, como Croacia y Ecuador, tienen circunscripciones especiales de residentes en el exterior es paradójico que el Perú no cuente con una. El estudio muestra las incoherencias que han imposibilitado la creación de la circunscripción especial de peruanos en el exterior y explora propuestas de reforma aplicada.

This research focuses on understanding the defense industry of Sweden and the Republic of Korea (ROK), two middle powers renowned for advanced technology and weapon self-sufficiency. Previous studies have not explained why Sweden and Korea are competitive in the defense industry. This research aims to answer the question: What determinant factors have made ROK and Sweden to develop competitive defense industries on their own with sophisticated technology? The study seeks to enrich our understanding of the defense industry in Sweden and the ROK. Utilizing a case study approach, this research closely examines the specific contexts influencing the defense industries of these countries. The key findings are that Sweden needs to strike a balance by expanding government-led arms production facilities. In contrast, ROK needs to cooperate more actively with its allies, including the U.S. This thesis contributes by presenting future development directions based on the results.

近年來區域經濟整合風潮日漸蓬勃發展，十餘年前在中國大陸倡議下，與東協共組「中國－東協自由貿易區」。成立後該自貿區內擁有19億人口，區域生產總值近6兆美元，貿易總額達4.5兆美元，也是全球人口最多的自由貿易區。在雙邊歷經多年談判，即將正式成立自由貿易區的時點上，印尼卻發聲要求延遲實施「中國－東協自由貿易協定」（CAFTA），便使人感到疑惑與不解。究竟東協各國對於區域經濟整合的態度為何？印尼政府和企業是否做好了產業衝擊的評估報告，並提出因應之道？ 　　印尼國內自2009年中起感受到自貿區成立後將對國內產業帶來巨大衝擊，紛紛透過媒體和國會等管道，要求印尼政府暫緩全面實施零關稅。印尼政府亦評估將有228項產品會受到中國大陸產品的嚴重衝擊，而向東協秘書處遞函要求重新協商。嗣後自身考量重新協商曠日廢時、耗費大量勞力物力又緩不濟急，轉而尋求與中國大陸直接對話，雙邊就貨品關稅調降、貿易不均衡的處理方式及促進兩國產業合作等進行討論，最終獲得七項共識，其中中國大陸承諾當貿易不均衡的情況發生時，出超國將有義務增加對入超國的進口，並且協助對方產品的行銷推廣。印尼政府與中國大陸的直接對話所獲得的共識，普遍得到印尼國內的肯定，讓先前爭議問題暫時平歇。然印尼國內更關注協議的實際運作狀況，能否真正發揮效用，亦有待時間的考驗。 　　綜觀此次爭議，印尼官方和民間過往忽視產業的升級和轉型、未提前做好自貿區的因應準備，導致臨屆成立之日，才急的像熱鍋上的螞蟻。印尼擁有豐富的自然資源及充沛的勞動力，可說是未來經濟發展的耀眼新星，如能把握自貿區成立後的契機，結合中國大陸的技術及資金，雙邊進行優勢產業互補合作，兩國未來的發展將無可限量。2015年TPP及RCEP即將成立，屆時中國大陸、東協都將扮演更重要的角色，印尼如能做好完善的準備，相信將能乘著兩大區域貿易組織的翅膀，飛向更璀璨耀眼的明天。

在台灣內部產、官、學界對於「開放陸生來台」議題，於政治、經濟、教育層面產生諸多正反討論之際，本研究深度訪談40位大陸地區交換學生，試圖由政策實施對象瞭解大陸地區交換學生在台現況、釐清大陸地區學生來台攻讀大專院校學位之意願以及檢視開放陸生來台政策內容。 過往涉及大陸學歷認證與開放陸生來台政策的相關文獻，多將研究主題著重於探討兩岸關係，如權力、政治菁英、意識型態等影響政策制定過程的決定因素。本研究則以「全球化」、「知識經濟」與「軟實力」的概念探討「開放陸生來台」政策，本研究焦點置於全球競爭時代中，吸收一流人才提升國家競爭力的重要性。 本研究針對受訪者的人口特徵、大陸地區交換學生來台動機、大陸地區交換學生在台現況、大陸地區學生來台就學意願進行分析，從受訪者對開放陸生來台政策之相關反應，整理歸納台灣吸引大陸地區學生來台攻讀高等教育學位之主要優勢，並預測台灣可能吸收之大陸學生類型。 根據主要研究發現，本研究之具體政策建議如下：1. 以香港、新加坡招收陸生政策為借鏡，放寬相關限制。2. 政府應投注更多資金與優惠政策協助各大專院校建立良好口碑，前往大陸地區進行「針對性、目的性」宣傳。3. 政府應對大陸地區學生展開大規模調查研究，瞭解其需求以作調整改進。4. 政府機關應培養兩岸優秀談判人才。 在未來研究方向的建議部分，應針對第一波來台留學之大陸地區學生進行後續追蹤研究，向大陸高校學生進行來台攻讀學位之意願調查，並針對亞太地區的招收陸生留學政策做更詳盡的比較分析，以期對開放陸生來台政策的施行進行有效之相關配套措施規劃，提升大陸地區學生來台就學意願，達到兩岸雙贏局面。 / Under the effects of globalization, attracting talents to improve national competitiveness has become a top priority for all countries in the world. Adopting to globalization, knowledge-based economy and soft power, this research intends to answer the following questions: （1） What is the current situation of mainland exchange students in Taiwan? （2） What are the factors affecting mainland students’ willingness to gain higher education degree in Taiwan? （3） How mainland exchange students subjectively interpret the open policy in allowing mainland students study in Taiwan universities? Through in-depth interviews and analysis of relevant policy making, this research tries to deduce the motivations and willingness of mainland students moving to Taiwan for higher education. Since no registered mainland students gained academic degree in Taiwan, the author interviewed and discussed with 40 mainland exchange students to identify Taiwan’s attractiveness and advantages compared to other opponents, such as Hong Kong and Singapore in the Greater China Area. The main research findings are: （1）The aspiration to go abroad, the limited opportunity to cross border, the convenience of using the same language, the attraction of Taiwan culture and the tough restriction to access Taiwan are the five main reasons why mainland exchange students choose Taiwan to visit. （2） Different degree of competitive pressure on students makes the distinct higher education circumstances between Mainland China and Taiwan. （3） The advantageous overseas diploma, the convenience of using the same language, the lower learning cost, the higher level of academic standards and the employment opportunities after ECFA are the main factors which attract mainland students gaining higher education degree in Taiwan. Based on the research findings, the policy advices are the followings: （1） Learning the advanced experience from Hong Kong and Singapore, the government should bend the rules and consider further relaxation of the policy. （2）Inject more money into making more propaganda for Taiwan’s universities. （3） Undertake large-scale empirical investigation to gather more information about the Chinese students’ willingness to study in Taiwan. （4） Train excellent negotiator in coordinating cross-strait affairs.