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Peruvian voters abroad have participated for 36 years in domestic elections. This community has a political and economic agenda which is not represented in the Peruvian legislature. The Peruvian political elites neglect that the current institutional design disregards this group. Peruvian voters abroad have a particular set of offers and demands related to the migrant reality. This article analyzes the political engineering of the representation of voters abroad in the Peruvian electoral design and compares it to other political scenarios. Since other countries with similar voting populations such as Croatia and Ecuador have special constituencies of national residents living abroad, it is paradoxical that Peru has not yet one. The study shows the inconsistencies of the arguments that have hindered the creation of the special district of Peruvians voters abroad and discusses proposals for an applied reform. / Los peruanos en el exterior vienen participando 36 años en los procesos electorales del Perú. Esta comunidad tiene un potencial político y económico que no se representa en el Legislativo peruano. El actual diseño político institucional obvia que este grupo tiene un conjunto de ofertas y demandas particulares de la realidad migrante que las élites políticas desatienden. En el presente artículo, se analiza el tratamiento político que se le ha dado a la representación de los peruanos en el exterior en el diseño legislativo electoral peruano y se evalúa en perspectiva comparada. Dado que otros países en el mundo con poblaciones electorales parecidas, como Croacia y Ecuador, tienen circunscripciones especiales de residentes en el exterior es paradójico que el Perú no cuente con una. El estudio muestra las incoherencias que han imposibilitado la creación de la circunscripción especial de peruanos en el exterior y explora propuestas de reforma aplicada.

Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-04-11T14:14:48Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Vladimir Meira Nunes.pdf: 2467427 bytes, checksum: f43b436137fb8e26bfd9f1e82c1d40e7 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela (anapoli@ufba.br) on 2016-04-28T18:16:51Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Vladimir Meira Nunes.pdf: 2467427 bytes, checksum: f43b436137fb8e26bfd9f1e82c1d40e7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T18:16:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Vladimir Meira Nunes.pdf: 2467427 bytes, checksum: f43b436137fb8e26bfd9f1e82c1d40e7 (MD5) / FAPESB / O estudo analisa a Geografia do Voto dos Deputados Estaduais e Partidos na Bahia, nas eleições de 2002, 2006 e 2010, buscando captar e avaliar supostos impactos produzidos sobre a localização das suas bases eleitorais, por força de seus reposicionamentos face às variáveis condições de ser governo, ou oposição, nos planos nacional e estadual. Além disso, procurou correlacionar as votações agregadas dos principais partidos no Estado com indicadores sociais, como IDH e População Rural dos municípios, visando mapear os perfis de suas bases, no que diz respeito às características urbanas e sociais e saber se eles sofreram modificações no período, também tendo em vista os referidos reposicionamentos. Buscou, ao mesmo tempo, problematizar essas questões a partir de referenciais da Teoria Democrática, assim como na literatura institucional acerca dos Sistemas Partidário e Eleitoral. Foram identificadas mudanças significativas na geografia das bases eleitorais dos principais partidos a partir dos reposicionamentos, mesmo com a manutenção dos respectivos padrões de votação antes predominantes. Nesse sentido, a análise das mudanças na geografia eleitoral dos deputados estaduais e partidos baianos ao longo das três eleições estudadas, apontou que o padrão de votação horizontalmente “disperso” é mais vinculado a deputados e partidos de governo, enquanto o padrão vertical “dominante” não é necessariamente governista, sendo afetado, também, pela trajetória anterior de cada partido. Os resultados sugerem também que o Legislativo baiano não possui um padrão oligárquico de competição, já que 52% dos seus parlamentares possuem votação Não-Dominante, ou seja, compartilham seus redutos eleitorais. Apesar disso, observou-se que o reposicionamento estadual provocado pelos resultados das eleições de 2006 atenuou, sem reverter, a tendência à ampliação da competitividade eleitoral nos municípios baianos, provocada pelo realinhamento nacional ocorrido em 2002.The study analyzes the geography of the Vote of Parties and State Representatives in Bahia in the 2002, 2006 and 2010 elections, seeking to capture and evaluate alleged impacts produced on the location of their constituencies , by virtue of its repositioning in the face of changing conditions to be government or opposition, in the national and state plans. In addition, sought to correlate the votes aggregates of the major parties in the state with social indicators such as HDI and Rural Population of the municipalities, aimed at mapping the profiles of their bases, with regard to urban and social characteristics and whether they have been changed in the period also with a view to repositionings. Search at the same time, discuss these issues from references of Democratic Theory, as well as in institutionalist literature on the Partisan and Electoral systems. Significant changes were identified in the geography of constituencies of the major parties from the repositioning, even with the maintenance of their voting patterns before prevailing. In this sense, the analysis of changes in electoral geography of state representatives and Bahian parties over the three studied elections, pointed out that the voting pattern horizontally "dispersed" is more linked to MPs and parties of government, while the vertical standard "dominant" is not necessarily ruling, being affected also from the previous path of each parties. The results also suggest that the Bahian legislative does not have an oligarchic pattern of competition, since 52% of its parliamentarians have vote Non- Dominant, ie shared their bailiwicks. Nevertheless, it was observed that the in state repositioning, caused by the results of the 2006 elections, were attenuated, without reversing the trend to expand the electoral competitiveness in Bahia municipalities, caused by national readjustment in 2002.

La révision des circonscriptions électorales consiste, dans le cadre des démocraties représentatives, à donner un ressort territorial à l’élection des membres des assemblées parlementaires. Loin de se réduire à une mesure neutre et purement administrative, comme en atteste l’histoire tourmentée des manœuvres électorales, cette opération entraîne de nombreuses conséquences sur la sincérité des résultats électoraux, les rapports de force entre partis politiques et la constitution des majorités gouvernementales ainsi que sur la représentation des intérêts, des idées et des valeurs. En lien avec l’évolution permanente des mentalités, les principes guidant la réalisation des découpages électoraux connaissent, dans la continuité de la mue séculaire des modes de gouvernement, une nouvelle métamorphose tendant à rapprocher gouvernants et gouvernés, en vue de répondre ultimement aux attentes des citoyens. Les circonscriptions électorales se trouvent ainsi amenées à devoir être en adéquation avec une vision plus ambitieuse de l’égalité de représentation, laquelle suppose non seulement une égalité devant le suffrage mais également une représentation effective et une délimitation des circonscriptions législatives soustraite aux pressions du pouvoir politique. Cette évolution, commune à plusieurs systèmes juridiques, ouvre la voie à une étude comparative centrée sur quatre pays aux traditions électorales différentes : Royaume-Uni, Canada, États-Unis et France. Au-delà des appréciations classiques, il sera ainsi possible, au carrefour du droit et de la politique, de faire ressortir les implications multiples que viennent induire ces mutations sur la consistance des circonscriptions électorales, sur la nature de la représentation politique et, finalement, sur l’affermissement et le renouvellement de la démocratie. / In the framework of representative democracies, the electoral redistricting aims to give jurisdiction to the election of members of parliamentary assemblies. Far from being a neutral and purely administrative measure, as evidenced by the tormented history of gerrymandering, this operation has many consequences on the fairness of election results, the balance of power between political parties, the formation of governmental majorities, and furthermore on the representation of interests, ideas, and values. In connection with the ongoing evolution of mentalities, the principles guiding the implementation of electoral constituencies are experiencing, in the continuity of secular change of government forms, a new metamorphosis tending to bring the people and the government closer together, so as to ultimately reach citizens’ expectations. Thus, electoral districts are expected to be in line with a more ambitious vision of equal representation, which requires not only voting equality but also effective representation and delimitation of parliamentary constituencies subtracted from pressures of political power. This trend, which is common to several legal systems, opens the way for a comparative study focused on four countries with different electoral traditions: the United Kingdom, Canada, the United States of America, and France. Beyond conventional opinions, it will be possible, at the intersection of law and politics, to bring out the many implications that these mutations induce on the consistency of electoral constituencies, on the nature of political representation and, ultimately, on the strengthening and renewal of democracy

Recently implemented reform of the IMF was motivated by empowering smaller developing and emerging countries. My work has an ambition to assess the countries were empowered and whether there would be a more efficient way for IMF reform. I analyse of role and power of countries using well-established methodology of Voting Power Indices. Apart from the immediate change a longer perspective covering last 20 years would be implemented. My aim is not only assess the power of countries as isolated variables but also to assess them in context of other indicators such as economic development. Lastly, I would suggest a new way of reform proposal for the IMF. Currently countries are represented in the locus of executive power through constituencies. Constituencies are formed arbitrary often reflecting power-seeking behaviour of developed countries. The result is composition of constituencies that often further marginalize the developing countries. My proposal is to restructure these constituencies in line with regional international organizations, which can enhance the position of developing countries in two ways. By providing institutional capacity of already existing organizations the consensus within the constituency would be better facilitated. By formation constituencies in line with regional...

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Cette étude empirique que nous avons appliquée à l’ingénierie-conseil, vise principalement deux objectifs ; (1) la validation des relations entre certaines caractéristiques des clients des services de ressources humaines et leur niveau de satisfaction face à ces services et (2) l’étude des relations entre les compétences des professionnels RH et le niveau de satisfaction des clients. Nous avons retenu un cadre théorique qui est constitué principalement de l’approche des constituantes multiples. Notre modèle d’analyse suppose que la satisfaction des groupes-clients d’un SRH est influencée par onze facteurs. De ces facteurs, cinq reflètent les caractéristiques des clients ; 1-l’engagement, 2-le sexe, 3-l’âge, 4-l’ancienneté et 5-la fréquence des contacts. Les six autres facteurs représentent les compétences des professionnels en ressources humaines ; 1-expert en ressources humaines, 2-allié de l’organisation, 3-gestion de la culture et du changement, 4-architecte stratégique, 5-gestion de talent et 6-activiste crédible. Pour les fins de notre recherche, nous retenons une approche quantitative et qualitative. Les résultats des analyses bivariées ne confirment pas nos hypothèses. Par contre, l’ancienneté et l’âge des clients semblent avoir une relation négative avec la satisfaction des clients. Quant à l’analyse de contenu des entrevues effectuées auprès des professionnels ressources humaines d’une organisation, elle permet de faire ressortir les liens entre la satisfaction et cinq compétences. Celles-ci sont l’expert en ressources humaines, l’allié de l’organisation, la gestion de la culture et du changement, la gestion du talent et l’activiste crédible. Ainsi, cinq propositions sont supportées. / This empirical study conducted in to the consulting engineering has two primary objectives: (1) the validation of relationships between certain characteristics of clients of human resources and their level of satisfaction with these services and (2) the study of relations between the competencies of HR professionals and the level of customer satisfaction. We selected a theoretical framework that consists mainly of the multiple constituencies approach. Our analytical model assumes that the satisfaction of the clients of a service of human resources department is influenced by eleven factors. Five of these factors reflect the characteristics of clients; 1-commitment, 2-age, 3-sex, 4-seniority and 5-the frequency of contact. The other six factors represent the skills of HR professionals; 1-operational executor, 2-business ally, 3-culture and change steward, 4-strategy architect, 5-talent manager and 6- credible activist. For purposes of our research, we use a quantitative and qualitative approach. The results of bivariate analysis refute our hypotheses. However, seniority and age of the customers seem to have a negative relationship with customer satisfaction. As for the analysis containing interviews conducted with HR professionals in an organization, it highlights the links between satisfaction and five skills, which are the operational executor, business ally, culture and change steward, talent manager and credible activist. Thus, five proposals are supported.

Cette étude empirique que nous avons appliquée à l’ingénierie-conseil, vise principalement deux objectifs ; (1) la validation des relations entre certaines caractéristiques des clients des services de ressources humaines et leur niveau de satisfaction face à ces services et (2) l’étude des relations entre les compétences des professionnels RH et le niveau de satisfaction des clients. Nous avons retenu un cadre théorique qui est constitué principalement de l’approche des constituantes multiples. Notre modèle d’analyse suppose que la satisfaction des groupes-clients d’un SRH est influencée par onze facteurs. De ces facteurs, cinq reflètent les caractéristiques des clients ; 1-l’engagement, 2-le sexe, 3-l’âge, 4-l’ancienneté et 5-la fréquence des contacts. Les six autres facteurs représentent les compétences des professionnels en ressources humaines ; 1-expert en ressources humaines, 2-allié de l’organisation, 3-gestion de la culture et du changement, 4-architecte stratégique, 5-gestion de talent et 6-activiste crédible. Pour les fins de notre recherche, nous retenons une approche quantitative et qualitative. Les résultats des analyses bivariées ne confirment pas nos hypothèses. Par contre, l’ancienneté et l’âge des clients semblent avoir une relation négative avec la satisfaction des clients. Quant à l’analyse de contenu des entrevues effectuées auprès des professionnels ressources humaines d’une organisation, elle permet de faire ressortir les liens entre la satisfaction et cinq compétences. Celles-ci sont l’expert en ressources humaines, l’allié de l’organisation, la gestion de la culture et du changement, la gestion du talent et l’activiste crédible. Ainsi, cinq propositions sont supportées. / This empirical study conducted in to the consulting engineering has two primary objectives: (1) the validation of relationships between certain characteristics of clients of human resources and their level of satisfaction with these services and (2) the study of relations between the competencies of HR professionals and the level of customer satisfaction. We selected a theoretical framework that consists mainly of the multiple constituencies approach. Our analytical model assumes that the satisfaction of the clients of a service of human resources department is influenced by eleven factors. Five of these factors reflect the characteristics of clients; 1-commitment, 2-age, 3-sex, 4-seniority and 5-the frequency of contact. The other six factors represent the skills of HR professionals; 1-operational executor, 2-business ally, 3-culture and change steward, 4-strategy architect, 5-talent manager and 6- credible activist. For purposes of our research, we use a quantitative and qualitative approach. The results of bivariate analysis refute our hypotheses. However, seniority and age of the customers seem to have a negative relationship with customer satisfaction. As for the analysis containing interviews conducted with HR professionals in an organization, it highlights the links between satisfaction and five skills, which are the operational executor, business ally, culture and change steward, talent manager and credible activist. Thus, five proposals are supported.

The thesis informs a reader about problems of establishing new/small political parties and their activities in Czech Parliament during the period of 2002 -- 2010. The surprising and unexpected results of Chamber of Desputies election that took place in May 2010 and brought considerable transformation of contemporary political establishment in Czech republic, represented the main impulse for writing this thesis. The aim of the thesis was to find out the size of political market openness for new/small political parties during the period of 2002-2010 and simultaneously evaluate what kind of position and substance these new/small political subjects in the political market have. A content of thesis is divided into two main parts. The first part is focused on theoretical theme and includes four chapters. There are mentioned mainly the issues of new/small political parties' definitions, the role of relevant parties in proportional representation systems and also some of the most important attempts of electoral reforms. The second part includes the final chapter that is focused on analysis of the factors that had influence on increase or decrease in chances of new/small parties to be successful in Chamber of Desputies elections from 2002 and thus become the part of political establishment. The fundamental questions were: How have the new/small political parties built up in that period of 2002-2010 and under what circumstances have they become the part of political establishment.

LLM / Department of Mercantile Law / This research examined the mechanisms that were employed by the Companies Act 71 of 2008 in order to protect the interests of creditors in company affairs. At the preamble of the aforementioned Act lies an undertaking from legislature to provide appropriate redress to investors and third parties/creditors. It was on that basis that the researcher sought to establish whether legislature had indeed fulfilled its commitment to provide appropriate redress to creditors. Traditionally, companies have been run to promote the interests of shareholders with little attention given to the interests of other stakeholders such as creditors. It is this research`s findings that South African company law has moved from the traditional view, that is the shareholder value approach, to the enlightened shareholder value approach: a model of corporate governance which permits directors to have regard, where appropriate, to the interests of other stakeholders but with shareholders’ interests retaining primacy. It is thus found that creditors cannot be protected by contract laws alone but that their protection should be enhanced by mandatory corporate laws which regulates the manner and conduct of company controllers in a way that ensures that the interests of all stakeholders, including creditors, are given due regard. Finally, it has been found that much work has been done by legislature in developing the re-enacted creditor protective mechanisms and also in statutorily adopting new mechanisms which are aimed at advancing creditor interests. Recommendations have thus been made to legislature for possible amendments to refine its corporate laws. / NRF