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MA (Xitsonga) / Ehansi ka M.E. R. Mathivha ya Tindzimi ta Afrika, Vutshila ni Ndhavuko / See the attached abstract below

The lobbying of Parliament and the Government in the United Kingdom by wealthy or influential groups and individuals raises concerns about corruption and political equality. Professional lobbying is available mainly to those with significant resources and is often the most effective means of influencing decision-makers. Unchecked, it corrodes public trust in core public institutions. This thesis argues that the problems attending the lobbying of Parliament and Government in the UK need to be identified and understood more clearly so that targeted regulatory solutions can be determined. Currently, lawmakers, organisations and academics have struggled to propose clear pathways for identifying the main issues and understanding them. This is due to a failure to agree on the nature and scope of the central problems associated with lobbying, the relationship between them, and how they are relevant to the model of democratic government in the UK. To overcome this, an analytical framework called ‘institutional diversion’ is developed, tested and evaluated. The framework is developed from institutional corruption literature in the United States and is divided into three parts. Part 1 provides elements which help to identify specific lobbying concerns and provide a rich account of the underlying issues. Part 2 articulates a test to determine whether the identified problem in Part 1 causes a diversion from the purpose of the relevant public institution. It is argued that the critical purpose of decision-makers in Parliament and the Government is to ‘act in the public interest’ and that a diversion from that purpose can be tested using the two criteria of ‘integrity’ and ‘objectivity’. Further, it is not sufficient for a framework to simply identify and help to understand the concerns with lobbying. The logical next step is to identify solutions, and that process must also be rationally guided. Therefore, guidelines are developed from an analysis of an interview with the Registrar of Consultant Lobbyists in the UK conducted specifically for this thesis. The guidelines are intended to help future reform analyses by highlighting the practical and political restrictions within which solutions must be developed otherwise they will be unlikely to succeed.

The Scots MPs of the eighteenth century have traditionally been portrayed in a negative light. In a century once noted for electoral corruption and the abuses of patronage, they were seen by contemporaries and later writers as among the worst examples of their kind: greedy, self-seeking, unprincipled ‘tools of administration’ whose votes could be bought with the offer of places and pensions. Lewis Namier’s seminal work exposing the cynical approach to politics of MPs generally, sparked a backlash which has produced a more balanced evaluation of English politics. Strangely, although Namier exonerated the Scots MPs from the worst of the charges against them, his less judgmental verdicts are found only sporadically in more recent writing, while the older viewpoint is still repeated by some historians. There is no modern study of the eighteenth-century Scots MPs, a situation which this research proposes to remedy, by examining the group of MPs who represented Scotland at Westminster between 1754 and 1784. It re-assesses the extent to which the original criticisms are merited, but also widens the scope by examining the contribution made by Scotland’s MPs, to British and Scottish political life in the later part of the eighteenth century. A study of the social make-up and the careers of this particular cohort provides the backdrop for the two main themes: the participation of Scots MPs in the legislative process, and their effectiveness as representatives of Scottish interests at Westminster. Existing biographical information has been supplemented by an examination of Parliamentary Papers, debates, and personal correspondence to enable further analysis of attitudes, in particular with regard to politics and political mores. The research explores issues of motivation, asking questions about allegiance, identity, perceptions of government, and how conflicts of interest were resolved, before presenting a conclusion which aims to offer a revised, broader, but more nuanced, assessment of this much-criticised group, based on more recent approaches to interpretation of the period.

La révision des circonscriptions électorales consiste, dans le cadre des démocraties représentatives, à donner un ressort territorial à l’élection des membres des assemblées parlementaires. Loin de se réduire à une mesure neutre et purement administrative, comme en atteste l’histoire tourmentée des manœuvres électorales, cette opération entraîne de nombreuses conséquences sur la sincérité des résultats électoraux, les rapports de force entre partis politiques et la constitution des majorités gouvernementales ainsi que sur la représentation des intérêts, des idées et des valeurs. En lien avec l’évolution permanente des mentalités, les principes guidant la réalisation des découpages électoraux connaissent, dans la continuité de la mue séculaire des modes de gouvernement, une nouvelle métamorphose tendant à rapprocher gouvernants et gouvernés, en vue de répondre ultimement aux attentes des citoyens. Les circonscriptions électorales se trouvent ainsi amenées à devoir être en adéquation avec une vision plus ambitieuse de l’égalité de représentation, laquelle suppose non seulement une égalité devant le suffrage mais également une représentation effective et une délimitation des circonscriptions législatives soustraite aux pressions du pouvoir politique. Cette évolution, commune à plusieurs systèmes juridiques, ouvre la voie à une étude comparative centrée sur quatre pays aux traditions électorales différentes : Royaume-Uni, Canada, États-Unis et France. Au-delà des appréciations classiques, il sera ainsi possible, au carrefour du droit et de la politique, de faire ressortir les implications multiples que viennent induire ces mutations sur la consistance des circonscriptions électorales, sur la nature de la représentation politique et, finalement, sur l’affermissement et le renouvellement de la démocratie. / In the framework of representative democracies, the electoral redistricting aims to give jurisdiction to the election of members of parliamentary assemblies. Far from being a neutral and purely administrative measure, as evidenced by the tormented history of gerrymandering, this operation has many consequences on the fairness of election results, the balance of power between political parties, the formation of governmental majorities, and furthermore on the representation of interests, ideas, and values. In connection with the ongoing evolution of mentalities, the principles guiding the implementation of electoral constituencies are experiencing, in the continuity of secular change of government forms, a new metamorphosis tending to bring the people and the government closer together, so as to ultimately reach citizens’ expectations. Thus, electoral districts are expected to be in line with a more ambitious vision of equal representation, which requires not only voting equality but also effective representation and delimitation of parliamentary constituencies subtracted from pressures of political power. This trend, which is common to several legal systems, opens the way for a comparative study focused on four countries with different electoral traditions: the United Kingdom, Canada, the United States of America, and France. Beyond conventional opinions, it will be possible, at the intersection of law and politics, to bring out the many implications that these mutations induce on the consistency of electoral constituencies, on the nature of political representation and, ultimately, on the strengthening and renewal of democracy

This thesis contributes to the burgeoning field of the history of sexuality in New Zealand and seeks to distill the more theorised and reflexive understanding of the subjectively understood queer male identity since 1948. Emerging from the disciplines of History and English, this project draws from a range of narratological materials: parliamentary debates contained in Hansard, and novels and short stories written by men with publicly avowed queer identities. This thesis explores how both 'normative' identity and the category of 'the homosexual' were constructed and mobilised in the public domain, in this case, the House of Representatives. It shows that members of the House have engaged with an extensive tradition of defining and excluding; a process by which state and public discourses have constructed largely unified, negative and othering narratives of 'the homosexual'. This constitutes an overarching narrative of queer experience which, until the mid-1990s, excluded queer subjects from its construction. At the same time, fictional narratives offer an adjacent body of knowledge and thought for queer men and women. This thesis posits literature's position as an important and productive space for queer resistance and critique. Such texts typically engage with and subvert 'dominant' or 'normative' understandings of sexuality and disturb efforts to apprehend precise or linear histories of 'gay liberation' and 'gay consciousness'. Drawing from the works of Frank Sargeson, James Courage, Bill Pearson, Noel Virtue, Stevan Eldred-Grigg, and Peter Wells, this thesis argues for a revaluing of fictional narratives as active texts from which historians can construct a matrix of cultural experience, while allowing for, and explaining, the determining role such narratives play in the discursively constructed understandings of gender and sexuality in New Zealand.

La lutte contre le terrorisme implique, entre autres, la mise en œuvre de mesures législatives préventives et punitives pour gérer les menaces auxquelles le Canada est exposé. Dans cet ordre d’idée, l’État et ses agents ont recours à plusieurs outils, dont « les technologies de sécurités » (reconnaissance faciale, la vidéo surveillance, l’empreinte digitale, etc.), pour réaliser leurs différents mandats. Le fonctionnement de ces mécanismes suscite des questionnements quant à la protection de la vie privée. Le partage des renseignements personnels entre différents ministères, le consentement relatif à la collecte des renseignements, le droit d’accès des parlementaires aux secrets d’État, etc. sont des enjeux qui surgissent lorsque le pouvoir exécutif déploie ses actions sécuritaires. Nous constatons que les modifications législatives pour lutter contre le terrorisme créent un déséquilibre par rapport à la protection de la vie privée. En effet, contrairement à la lutte contre le terrorisme, la vie privée jouit d’une protection constitutionnelle selon la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés. L’un des défis qui s’imposent au pouvoir exécutif, législatif et judiciaire est de mener leurs actions dans le respect de la primauté du droit dans un contexte de sécurité nationale. / The fight against terrorism implies, amongst others, the execution of preventative and punitive legislation to manage the threats from which Canada is exposed. In this context, the state and its agents have access to many tools, such as “security technology” (facial recognition, video surveillance, fingerprinting, etc.), to achieve their different mandates. The operation of these mechanisms raises questions and concerns in regards to privacy protection. The sharing of personal information between different ministries, the consent pertaining to the collection of personal information, and legislators’ right of access to state secrets, etc., are issues that arise when the executive power undertakes security measures. It’s found that the legislative changes to fight against terrorism create an imbalance with respect to privacy protection. Indeed, unlike the fight against terrorism, the right to privacy is constitutionally protected under the Canadian Charter of rights and freedoms. One of the challenges that must be recognized by the executive, legislative and judiciary authorities is to conduct their actions according to the rule of law in the context of national security.

Floor crossing was an unknown phenomenon in Malawi until the re-emergence of multiparty politics in 1994. Since then the number of MPs crossing the floor in the Malawi National Assembly has steadily increased from around twelve in 1994 to more than sixty in 2005. This practice has continued even today. However, the biggest incident of floor crossing took place in 2005 when the State President, Dr Bingu wa Mutharika, under the United Democratic Front (UDF) decided to abandon the party that sponsored him into office to form his own, the Democratic Progressive Party in February, 2005. Following him were several opposition MPs, a move which sparked a lot of tension in the National Assembly. The purpose of this study was to investigate political factors contributing to this phenomenon, and it was established that, among other factors, institutional weaknesses of political parties and gaps in the Constitution contributed significantly to floor crossing. / Political Science / M.A. (African Politics)

Quelle relation lie un élu à son parti ? Cette thèse se propose d’analyser le phénomène de dépendance au parti des députés en comparant le PS et l’UMP durant la XIIIe et la XIVe législature. La relation de dépendance au parti influence, avec une intensité variable, le comportement du député, dans de nombreuses sphères d’action du mandat et tout au long de sa carrière politique. La thèse d’un cycle de la dépendance est ainsi confrontée empiriquement, en croisant méthodes qualitatives et quantitatives. Plusieurs profils de dépendance au parti chez les députés ont été dégagés : l’utilitariste, le fataliste, le fidèle, et l’éléphant du parti. Ceux-ci sont déterminés par l’appartenance à un des deux partis, ainsi que par un effet fort de la carrière. Une analyse séquentielle de la carrière du député permet ensuite de souligner la multidimensionnalité du phénomène qui varie à la fois selon les temps de la carrière (conquérir, exercer et conserver son mandat) et les caractéristiques du député. / What kind of relationship binds an elected official to his party ? This study aims to analyse French Deputies' Party dependency by comparing the Socialist Party and the Union for a Popular Movement during the XIIIth and the XIVth legislature. The party dependency affects MPs behaviour with a varying intensity over time and space. The thesis of a party dependency cycle is tested empirically, by using both qualitative and quantitative methods. Different types of party dependency among MPs has been found : the utilitarian, the fatalistic, the believer and the grandee. These profiles are determined by party membership and political longevity. A sequential study of MPs’ careers underlines the multidimensionality of party dependency in relation to career-stage (whether it be conquering, exercising, or keeping one’s mandate) as well as MP’s individual characteristics.

Floor crossing was an unknown phenomenon in Malawi until the re-emergence of multiparty politics in 1994. Since then the number of MPs crossing the floor in the Malawi National Assembly has steadily increased from around twelve in 1994 to more than sixty in 2005. This practice has continued even today. However, the biggest incident of floor crossing took place in 2005 when the State President, Dr Bingu wa Mutharika, under the United Democratic Front (UDF) decided to abandon the party that sponsored him into office to form his own, the Democratic Progressive Party in February, 2005. Following him were several opposition MPs, a move which sparked a lot of tension in the National Assembly. The purpose of this study was to investigate political factors contributing to this phenomenon, and it was established that, among other factors, institutional weaknesses of political parties and gaps in the Constitution contributed significantly to floor crossing. / Political Science / M.A. (African Politics)