Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / This thesis is a comparative study of competing education and training (ET) policy options in South Africa today. The thesis examines the economic and ET policy proposals of the South African state, and in particular, the recently published National Training Strategy and Education Renewal Strategy. These documents are both critically examined and contrasted with the policy proposals which are currently emerging in the African National Congress (ANC) and Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu). The analysis establishes a continuum of ET systems, with the policy proposals of the South African state representing a <low-skill equilibrium' system and the Framework for Lifelong Learning document of the ANC/ Cosatu reflecting a more highskill equilibrium' orientation. A <macro-institutional' theoretical perspective is employed throughout the thesis, an approach which combines a focus on the e macro' structural features of capitalist society with an analysis of the vast nexus of interlocking social institutions existing at the sub-structural level. This macro-institutional approach is particularly evident in the manner in which two key theoretical themes have been foregrounded throughout the text. The first has to do with the central macro' question of the market/state relation and its relevance for ET. The second has to do with the e institutional' dynamic of" the interaction between the ET system, the labour market and the organisation of work and the manner in which this interaction mediates the impact of ET on society and economic performance. The strength of the <macro-institutional' perspective is that it emphasises that the reform of ET in isolation of other societal changes is insufficient in the pursuit of higher productivity and improved economic performance. What is essential is comprehensive reform: reforms which impact on a whole range of key institutional locations. This requires coherent and long-term planning, a form of governance most often obtained by consensual co-ordinated market economies and seldom under free market conditions. The conclusion to this thesis suggests that the ANC/ Cosatu economic and ET proposals are more likely to obtain comprehensive reform' of the South African social structure than those proposals emanating from the current state.

This dissertation puts into historical context allegations of farm labour abuse during the period 1948 to 1960 on the eastern Transvaal Highveld. It not only gives an exposition of these events, but importantly analyses these allegations of abuse in the context of the South African government’s intervention into farm labour for this period. The dissertation, however, first gives an overview of the government’s policies of regulating and providing farmers with black labour in the period 1910 to 1948. It deals specifically with the dubious measures introduced and coercive actions taken by the National Party government after 1948 to provide farmers with “cheap and plentiful labour”. The reactions to the accusations of abuse by the South African government, the farmers, the conservative, liberal and leftist press, and other independent bodies, such as the churches, Black Sash and the South African Institute of Race Relations, are also explored. The reaction of the African National Congress and the Potato Boycott launched in 1959 by this organisation in response to the mistreatment of farm labourers, also receives specific attention. It concludes with a discussion of how the farm labour scandals and the reaction during the 1950s and more specifically the Potato Boycott of 1959 are still relevant today by considering the contested nature of the commemoration of this event in 2009 AFRIKAANS : Hierdie verhandeling plaas bewerings van die misbruik van plaasarbeid gedurende die periode 1948 tot 1960 op die oostelike Transvaalse Hoëveld in historiese konteks. Dit bied nie net ‘n uiteensetting van hierdie gebeure nie, maar ontleed dié bewerings van mishandeling teen die agtergrond van die Suid-Afrikaanse regering se ingryping ten opsigte van plaasarbeid vir dié tydperk. Die verhandeling bied ten eerste ‘n oorsig van die regering se beleid van die regulering en voorsiening van swart arbeid aan boere gedurende die periode 1910 tot 1948. Dit handel spesifiek oor die twyfelagtige dwangmaatreëls wat deur die Nasionale Partyregering na 1948 geïmplementeer is om boere van “goedkoop en voldoende arbeid” te voorsien. Die reaksies op die bewerings van mishandeling deur die Suid-Afrikaanse regering, die boere, die konserwatiewe, liberale en linkse pers, as ook ander selfstandige instansies, soos die kerke, Black Sash en die Suid-Afrikaanse Instituut van Rasseverhoudinge word ook ondersoek. Die reaksie van die African National Congress en die aartappelboikot wat deur die organisasie in 1959 van stapel gestuur is in reaksie op die mishandeling van plaaswerkers, work ook ontleed. Die studie sluit af met ‘n bespreking van hoe die plaasarbeidskandale, die reaksie in die 1950s en meer spesifiek die aartappelboikot van 1959, steeds vandag relevant is teen die agtergrond van die omstrede herdenking van die gebeurtenis in 2009. / Dissertation (MHCS)--University of Pretoria, 2011. / Historical and Heritage Studies / unrestricted

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / This study begins with an ethnographic self-study which allows for a reflection on traditional learning experiences. This study is located in the context of the initial development of dental health professionals within those higher education institutions that endeavour to provide education and training in a rapidly changing context. This context is characterised by the simultaneous need to address the blurring of boundaries and the dichotomies that exist such as the first world and the third world, the developed and the less developed world, the rich and the poor, health and wealth, the private and the public sectors, the formal and the informal sectors, the advantaged and the disadvantaged, the privileged and the underprivileged. The definitions, concepts, theories and principles around curricula and professional development are examined in an effort to extend into discoveries of educational research usually beyond the purview of dental health practitioners, policy makers or higher education specialists involved in training these dental health practitioners. It poses key questions regarding the nature of professional competences within dental health science undergraduate studies and how the curricula are organised around these perceptions of competence. Investigative tools include participant observation, interviews and questionnaires which have included both education deliverers - the teaching staff - and education consumers - the students. The areas of access by students to programmes (input), activities whilst in the programmes (throughput) and their competences at the exit end of the programme (output) are examined. It was found that institutions and programmes are paradoxically positioned declaring missions to be globally competitive and internationally recognised and at the same time wanting to reach out to the population who are disadvantaged and who form a majority. Whilst the needs of the wider community is for basic dental services and primary health care, the resources appear to be geared for producing technologically-superior professionals who will cater for a largely urban and middle class populations. The resources available, particularly human resources, for this training, are going through a critical shortage. Simultaneously demands are being made to challenge the epistemological rationale of the curriculum practice of the training sites at both universities and technikons (now known as universities of technology). These findings reveal that the SAQA demands and the proposed transformation of higher education provided an impetus for schools and departments within universities and technikons and their institutes to look at educational concepts and to transform curricula. This shift was found to be hampered by a variety of causes which included territorial protection, lack of a deep understanding of the education and training concepts and lack of human, physical and financial resources. It was also found that traditional designs of programmes are locked into tribal boundaries which restrict movement beyond these. The boundaries are ring-fenced by historical legacies and practices which confine programmes within these borders and continue to cement the fragmented development of dental health science professionals. The education and training of the different dental health science occupational categories are fragmented between institutes, within institutes and with three separate professional regulating bodies and, seemingly, disjointed functioning national and provincial departments of health and education. This (education and training) is found to be dominated by the traditional mould of teaching, learning and assessment with pockets of change in some schools and departments. Teaching units in the form of subjects, which operate as discrete units and remain entrenched by the habituations of subjects and departments within schools, restricts movement in the competence-based direction. The framework offered by this thesis sets broader and more fluid principles and guidelines which embody the notion of knowledge, skills, attitudes and values and which course designers and educators can utilise so that renewed ways can emerge for their programmes. This allows for a cross over into each other's territories (regulatory, institutional and the health and educational services) that will allow for courses to be designed more holistically and rationally with appropriate transformatory potential.

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This is a historical study of AWG Champion, the former leader of the Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union (ICU) and provincial President of the African National Congress, in the politics of Zululand and Natal from 1965 to 1975. The study examines the introduction of the Zulu homeland and how different political forces in that region of South Africa responded to the idea of a Zulu homeland during the period under review. It also deals with Champion's political alienation from the ANC. This dissertation is also a study of the development of Zulu ethnic nationalism within the structures of apartheid or separate development, the homelands. Issues running throughout the study are the questions of how and why Champion tried and failed to manipulate `separate development' in order to build a Zulu ethnic political base. / History / M.A. (History)

Political advertising on television is a relatively “new” phenomenon in South African general election campaigns (circa 2008). The purpose of this study is to analyse and compare the three sampled 2009 and 2014 African National Congress (A.N.C.) political television advertisements, with a specific focus on the verbal, non-verbal and visual rhetoric in the communication of election campaign messages. To achieve this goal, the study reviewed literature in the subject of rhetoric and post-colonial perspectives in the areas of Afrocentrism and Eurocentrism, focusing specifically on the seminal work of the Afro-centrist, Molefi Asante, and the anti-Western-centric scholar, Samin Amin. The study uses social semiotics (as both a theoretical approach and a research methodological framework). As a theoretical approach, the social semiotic approach was conceptualised by Valentin Voloshinov (1973) and Michael Halliday (1978), and it argues for the creation of social meaning within a text and within a society. The study focuses on the former, the creation of meaning within a text, that is, the content of the three sampled political advertisements. As a research framework, the approach was adapted by Gunther Kress and Theo van Leeuwen (1996). The study favours their social semiotic research method which provide the interpreter/researcher with dimensions, or “tools’, with which to explicate and deconstruct textual meanings. Thus, in this study, social semiotics as part of the broader field of discourse analysis, was used to deconstruct the latent and manifest ideologies of the non-verbal, verbal and visual rhetoric of two 2009 and one 2014 A.N.C. political television advertisements. Using this combined theoretical framework (rhetoric, social semiotics and Afrocentrism and Eurocentrism), and, research approach, it could be determined whether the verbal, non-verbal and visual rhetoric of these three A.N.C. political television commercials represents Afrocentric and/or Eurocentric post- colonial The main findings of the study show that both the visual and verbal rhetoric of the sampled A.N.C. political television commercials represents a combination of a varying ideological constructs, namely the “nationalist”; “socialist”; “liberal feminist”; and, “liberal capitalist ideologies” (cf. Haywood 1998; Thompson 2003). Furthermore, the findings of the study point out that the verbal, non-verbal and visual rhetoric of the selected A.N.C. political television commercials, are neither exclusively Afrocentric nor Eurocentric in nature. Both post-colonial perspectives are represented, in varying degrees, in the sampled A.N.C. commercials. The study makes a significant contribution to the political communication landscape in South Africa, in that, it is an exclusively qualitative content analysis, as opposed to previous, quantitative content-analysis studies (cf. Fourie 2008; Fourie & Froneman 2003; Fourie & Froneman 2001). It is also important to note that as far as can be determined, that this is the first study to use social semiotics, as either a theoretical framework or a research method. The key limitation of the study is that, it only focuses on three purposely sampled A.N.C. election campaign television advertisements, and does not include the political television advertisements of opposition political parties, such as the Democratic Alliance. / Communication Science / M.A. (Communication)

A number of digitization projects undertaken by archival organisations in Africa failed to realise their goals of ensuring preservation and access of records. This is partially due to the lack of strategies to move from analogue to digital records. Despite many guidelines, standards and software systems developed by national archives, coalitions, professional associations, research groups and commercial organisations, digital records are still a challenge to manage. This study explored the strategies adopted by the African National Congress (ANC) in digitizing its liberation archives with a view to capturing lessons learnt. Qualitative data were collected through interviews with purposively selected employees of the African National Congress, Multi Choice, Africa Media Online and Nelson Mandela Foundation who were involved in the repatriation and digitization project of the liberation archives. Interview data were augmented through document analysis and observation. The key findings revealed that the ANC established an archives management committee that played an important role in the repatriation and digitization of liberation archives. The committee utilized former liberation struggle members to identify records in various ANC missions in different countries. It was established that although the ANC was aware of where its records were abroad, not all its records were repatriated to South Africa after the unbanning of the liberation movements. Furthermore, the finding revealed that the ANC relied heavily on Multi Choice and Africa Media Online as its archivists were not trained in digitization. A number of lessons learnt with regard to digitization of liberations archives are captured. The study concludes by demonstrating the importance of having a strategy in digitizing archival holdings. It is recommended that this study should be extended to other liberation movements in eastern and southern Africa. / Information Science / M. Inf.

This is a historical study of AWG Champion, the former leader of the Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union (ICU) and provincial President of the African National Congress, in the politics of Zululand and Natal from 1965 to 1975. The study examines the introduction of the Zulu homeland and how different political forces in that region of South Africa responded to the idea of a Zulu homeland during the period under review. It also deals with Champion's political alienation from the ANC. This dissertation is also a study of the development of Zulu ethnic nationalism within the structures of apartheid or separate development, the homelands. Issues running throughout the study are the questions of how and why Champion tried and failed to manipulate `separate development' in order to build a Zulu ethnic political base. / History / M.A. (History)

History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History)

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: During the so-called third wave of democratisation, South Africa experienced a transition from authoritarian rule to democratic rule in 1994. This transition was coupled with a transformation process, which saw the establishment and introduction of democratic principles and norms, as well as democratic institutions. All these make South Africa a democracy in theory but do not necessarily mean that it is a democracy in practice. Moreover, democracy, unlike authoritarian rule, depends on the support of the populace. Lack of support for democratic rule renders the regime illegitimate, since it does not have enough support to continue as the authority of the country. Against the theoretical point of departure (i.e. support for democracy is closely tied to legitimacy of the authority), it is imperative to evaluate these types of support for democracy as well as their changing levels in the country. This will shed some light on whether the populace in the country embrace democracy as a form of governance – that is, whether the populace perceive democracy as a political regime that is entrenched not only in theory, but also in practice. This will be highlighted by their level of support, which determines whether the regime is perceived as legitimate or illegitimate. It will further shed some light on the degree or level of support for the political system governing the country. Support for democracy may be evaluated by using two models or types of support, i.e. diffuse and specific support. Diffuse support consists of three levels of support, namely, political community, regime principles and regime performance, whilst specific support consists of two levels of support, namely regime institutions and political actors. For this study, these models and levels of support are evaluated amongst the supporters of the ruling party, namely the ANC. For comparative purposes, however, support patterns for democracy, as measured in the World Values Surveys from 1995 to 2006, amongst the ANC supporters will be evaluated in relation to non-ANC supporters. These patterns are crucial, since they will highlight whether support for democracy is support for democratic rules and norms, i.e. democracy per se, or whether support for democracy is closely tied to party support and position. The study reveals that there are relatively high levels of support for political community, regime principles and regime performance amongst both the ANC supporters and non-ANC supporters, when compared to levels of support for regime institutions and political actors, meaning that there are high levels of diffuse support when compared to specific support. Moreover, the ANC supporters have higher levels of both diffuse and specific support for democracy when compared to non-ANC supporters. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die 1990‟s gedurende die derde golf van demokratisering in die wêreld, het Suid Afrika ook „n transformasie van „n outoritêre stelsel na „n demokrasie ondergaan. Hierdie transformasie het op die vestiging van demokratiese beginsels en norme sowel as demokratiese instellings uitgeloop. Hoewel dit Suid-Afrika ‟n demokrasie in teorie gemaak het, het dit die stelsel nie noodwendig ‟n demokrasie in die praktyk gemaak nie. Dit is belangrik om in ag te neem dat „n demokrasie, anders as „n outokrasie, die ondersteuning van die bevolking moet geniet. ‟n Gebrek aan genoegsame steun kan daartoe lei dat ‟n regering gesag op ‟n onlegitieme wyse uitoefen. Teen hierdie teoretiese agtergrond is dit dus belangrik om die tipes sowel as die veranderende vlakke van ondersteuning vir demokrasie te evalueer. Sodoende word ‟n insig verkry of die bevolking demokrasie as ‟n vorm van regering nie net in teorie aanvaar nie, maar ook in die praktyk. Die vlak van ondersteuning sal bepaal of die regime as legitiem of onlegitiem beskou word. Dit kan ook verder lig werp op die vlak van ondersteuning vir die politieke selsel wat in plek is. Ondersteuning vir demokrasie kan bepaal word deur gebruik te maak van twee modelle of tipes van ondersteuning, naamlik, verspreide (“diffuse”) en spesifieke (“specific”) ondersteuning. Verspreide ondersteuning bestaan uit drie vlakke van ondersteuning, naamlik, steun vir die politieke gemeenskap, regime beginsels en regime optrede. Spesifieke ondersteuning in teenstelling, bestaan uit twee vlakke van ondersteuning, naamlik steun vir regime instellings en vir die politieke akteurs. Vir hierdie studie is die modelle en vlakke van ondersteuning ge-evalueer met spesifieke verwysing na die ondersteuners van die ANC - die regerende party. Vir ‟n vergelykingsbasis is hierdie ondersteuningspatrone met die nie-ANC ondersteuners soos dit voorkom in die World Values opnames van 1995 tot 2006 gebruik. Hierdie patrone is van kardinale belang omdat dit vir ons ‟n aanduiding gee of ondersteuning vir demokrasie ook die ondersteuning vir demokratiese reëls en norme behels. Die bevindinge dui op relatiewe hoër vlakke van ondersteuning vir die politieke gemeenskap, regime beginsels en regime werkverrigting onder ANC ondersteuners sowel as nie-ondersteuners as dit vergelyk word met vlakke van ondersteuning vir regime instellings en politieke akteurs. Dit beteken dat daar hoër vlakke van verspreide ondersteuning bestaan in vergelyking met spesifieke ondersteuning. Verder is bevind dat ANC ondersteuners hoër vlakke van verspreide sowel as spesifiek ondersteuning vir demokrasie vertoon in vergelyking met nie-ondersteuners van die ANC.