Submitted by Liliane Ferreira (ljuvencia30@gmail.com) on 2018-05-22T11:52:48Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Francisco Messias Gomes Barros - 2018.pdf: 8771335 bytes, checksum: 8ab2ae9e511e04979d246738a58a8352 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2018-05-22T12:15:21Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Francisco Messias Gomes Barros - 2018.pdf: 8771335 bytes, checksum: 8ab2ae9e511e04979d246738a58a8352 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-22T12:15:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Francisco Messias Gomes Barros - 2018.pdf: 8771335 bytes, checksum: 8ab2ae9e511e04979d246738a58a8352 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-04-24 / The work covered the First National Congress of Intellectuals, held in Goiânia in February, 1954. The research had as central objective to understand to which degree this event, organized by the PCB, can be considered critical to the current hegemonic culture, represented by the State, since the meeting privileged as a centel theme the defense and preservation of the “national culture”. The preparatory mobilization of the Congress involved the drafting of a manifesto, which sought to "preserve the national character of our culture," signed by 1,082 intellectuals from Brazil. To the event about 300 participants showed up, from diferente brazilian states, and nine foreign delegations, including Chile, whose main star was the poet Pablo Neruda. Following this tone, the following secundary objectives were adopted: Highlight that the Congress was inserted in the PCB’s strategy of trying an inflection in its cultural dogmatism, marked by the dispute of comand of the Brazilian Association of Writers (ABDE); to establish a correlation between culture and politics, taking as reference the resolutions of the meeting and to evaluate the possible contributions bequeathed by this event. The qualitative study used as a technical procedure bibliographical and documentary research, and as a method of data analysis, content analysis. It was intended to demonstrate that the generic concept of "national culture" resulted in guidelines and resolutions that configurated the outline of a critical and alternative cultural policy, or according to the Gramscian concept, a counter-hegemony, capable of counteracting the culture of the hegemonic system. / O trabalho abordou o I Congresso Nacional de Intelectuais, que se realizou em Goiânia, em fevereiro de 1954. A pesquisa teve como objetivo central buscar compreender em que medida esse evento, organizado pelo PCB, pode ser considerado crítico à corrente cultural hegemônica, representada pelo Estado, uma vez que o conclave privilegiou como temática central a defesa e preservação da “cultura nacional”. A mobilização preparatória do Congresso envolveu a redação de um manifesto, que concitava “preservar o caráter nacional de nossa cultura”, assinado por 1.082 intelectuais do Brasil. Ao evento compareceu cerca de 300 participantes, de diferentes Estados brasileiros, e nove delegações estrangeiras, incluindo a do Chile, cuja principal estrela foi o poeta Pablo Neruda. Seguindo esse diapasão, adotaram-se os seguintes objetivos secundários: evidenciar que o Congresso estava inserido na estratégia do PCB de tentar uma inflexão no seu dogmatismo cultural, marcada pela disputa do comando da Associação Brasileira de Escritores (ABDE); estabelecer uma relação entre cultura e política, tomando como referencial as resoluções do conclave e avaliar as possíveis contribuições legadas por esse evento. O estudo, de abordagem qualitativa, utilizou como procedimento técnico as pesquisas bibliográfica e documental, e como método de análise de dados a análise de conteúdo. Pretendeu-se demonstrar que o conceito genérico de “cultura nacional” resultou em diretivas e resoluções que configuraram o esboço de uma política cultural crítica e alternativa, ou segundo o conceito gramsciano, uma contra hegemonia, ou seja, uma contraposição à cultura do sistema hegemônico.

Embora existam estudos relevantes no Brasil a respeito do controle de constitucionalidade exercido pelo STF, o assunto ainda demanda pesquisa. Uma das áreas de pesquisa que precisa ser aprofundada é a dinâmica da interação ao longo do tempo entre o órgão judicial que exerce o controle de constitucionalidade e os órgãos que editam atos normativos sujeitos ao controle de constitucionalidade. Diante disso, o objeto desta tese é o exame da interação entre o STF e o Congresso Nacional nos anos de 1988 a 2013 decorrente da declaração judicial de inconstitucionalidade de atos normativos do Congresso Nacional. A tese baseia-se em uma pesquisa de jurisprudência e de legislação, e adota perspectiva teórica que reconhece haver um contínuo diálogo institucional entre os Poderes. Um dos objetivos da tese é descrever os padrões das decisões judiciais que declararam a inconstitucionalidade de atos normativos, e as possíveis relações entre a deliberação judicial e a legislação subsequente. Outro objetivo do estudo é proporcionar parâmetros para avaliação da contínua interação entre o controle de constitucionalidade exercido pelo STF e a atividade do Congresso Nacional. Terceiro objetivo é identificar desafios que devem ser enfrentados caso se pretenda fortalecer a legitimidade do diálogo entre os Poderes. / There are relevant studies made in Brazil about Federal Supreme Court judicial review, but the subject still demands research. One of the research areas that needs to be deepened is the dynamic of the interaction over time between the judicial branch that controls the constitutionality of legislation and the legislative branch that make the norms subject to judicial review. In the face of this, the object of this thesis is to exam the interaction between the Federal Supreme Court and the National Congress in the period of 1988 to 2013 derived from judicial decisions that declared norms unconstitutional. The thesis is based on a research of judicial decisions and legislation, and it adopts a theoretical perspective that recognizes a continuous institutional dialogue between the Powers. One of the objectives of the thesis is to describe the patterns of the judicial decisions that declared norms unconstitutional, and the feasible connections between the judicial deliberation and subsequent legislation. Another objective of the study is to provide standards to assess the continuous interaction between the Federal Supreme Court judicial review and the activity of the National Congress. The third objective is to identify challenges that must be faced if one pretend to strengthen the legitimacy of the dialogue between the Powers.

M.A. (History) / The main purpose of this study is to expose a hidden dimension in the annals of African resistance politics. This dimension has never received adequate attention thus the repercussions of its influence has not been adequately accounted for. This dimension is centred on the causes and consequences of conflict between the ANC Africanist Youth League and the Communist Party. The Africanist Youth League was convinced that its conflict with the Communist Party was in defence of African nationalism and self-determination. The Communist Party's infiltration of the ANC and its concerted efforts to derail it and the Youth League from African Nationalism, comes under critical scrutiny in this study. Thus, the popular view of the Youth League's conflict with the ANC is proved to have been the sub-plot of the main ideological rivalry between the Communist Party and the ANC Youth League.

This study examines the wide-ranging and critical factors which have impacted on the African National Congress' (ANC) emerging foreign investment policy. It identifies and analyses the matrix of political and socio-economic factors which have combined at global and national levels to shape ANC policy perspectives towards foreign direct investment (FDI). In so doing, the study adopts an eclectic theoretical and methodological approach. It draws on various theoretical traditions to propose a framework that is heuristic and contingent, rather than axiomatic. With regard to foreign investment, in particular, it recommends a theoretical pluralism emphasising 'engagement' through praxis and sound political (state) action. The study argues that the ANC has reconsidered many of its basic assumptions on the nature of the post-apartheid economy and discusses the reasons for those shifts. The reasons include, in particular, global political and economic trends and the balance of forces in South Africa. These have combined to ensure the ANC's broad acceptance of an 'open-door policy' towards FDI so long as it occurs on terms not inconsistent with national objectives. The emerging policy sees the state playing an active role in encouraging and guiding FDI to specific areas and sectors supportive of broad-based development. Foreign investors will be encouraged to form joint ventures with emerging black businesses and agree to foster training, skills development and affirmative action. Harnessing the benefits of FDI will be important for the success of wider strategies designed to place the economy on a firmer, more sustainable growth path.

M.A. (Historical Studies) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

M.A. (History) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

Kenya and South Africa can be described as dominant party systems, under the dominance of the Kenya African National Union CKANU) and the African National Congress CANC) respectively. A dominant party system is in essence a democracy. The spirit of democracy may, however, apparently be contradicted by the weight of party dominance, thus questioning the content of and prospects for democracy under party dominance in both Kenya and South Africa. The study is a comparative analysis of party dominance in Kenya and South Africa. The main objective is to exan1ine the relationship between party dominance and democracy in both countries. It seeks to find out how party dominance is reproducing itself and surviving the post 1990 transition processes in Kenya and South Africa. More importantly, the study also seeks to find out how party dominance impacts upon institutions that support or uphold democratization and subsequently democracy. The findings of the study demonstrate that party dominance has reproduced itself and survived the post-1990 period, and is also impacting upon democratization and democracy. The dominant parties take a similar trajectory in pursuit of dominance over the state and its apparatuses. However, they differ when it comes to their relationship with the civil society. That between KANU and civil society is antagonistic, as the ruling party seeks to augment political power through authoritarian dominance of the latter to, while that of the ANC and civil society is responsive, as the former seeks to enhance political stability in the country. The impact of party dominance upon institutions that support democracy takes similar and different trajectories in both countries. Similarities arise with respect to the detrimental impact upon institutions of the Executive that ensure accountability and transparency, evident in the increasing cases of corruption, nepotism and political patronage appointments. Similarly, there has been a detrimental impact upon the Legislature regarding parliamentary proceedings. Parliamentary committees and opposition parties are being rendered ineffective as organs of ensuring transparency and accountability, and are often subject to delegitimation. The impact of party dominance on the Judiciary, however, differs in both countries. In Kenya, the judiciary continues to suffer from excessive interference from the Executive and the ruling party, whereas in South Africa the judicial system remains largely independent with regard to the application of justice, despite constant criticisms from the dominant party. The study concludes that South Africa is, gradually, going the Kenyan way. If this condition is left unchecked there is the possibility that South Africa could eventually end up a psuedo-democracy like Kenya, where formal democratic political institutions such as multiparty elections, exist to mask the reality of authoritarian dominance. The thesis recommends that strengthening civil society organizations, opposition political parties, and state institutions in both countries to ensure greater accountability and transparency, will reverse this detrimental effect of party dominance. It also recommends meaningful constitutional reforms that will guarantee greater independence of these institutions, and the decentralization of governmental and political power to check and limit the powers of the dominant party. Also recommended are areas for further research. / KMBT_363 / Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in

The Elective Conference of the African National Congress (ANC) of 2007 that took place in Polokwane remains an important event since 1994 (Fikeni 2009). The economic policy of the ANC and candidature of Mbeki and Zuma for the presidency contributed to the growing of factionalism in the ruling party that culminated in the 2007 conference. The study investigates and analyses the development of factions and ideological contestations that seemed to punctuate the ANC towards its 2007 National Congress that took place in Polokwane. It examines the roots and causes of factionalism in the ANC with a specific focus on the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality (NMBM). It also investigates the extent to which the conservative policies such as Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) contributed in the divisions and factionalism prior the 2007 polokwane conference. The study departs from the premise that history of the ANC is riddled with factionalism and ideological contestations that have been well documented. Furthermore, the political infighting within the ANC impacts on governance structures and the local government level. The study seeks to demonstrate the effects of the 2007 power contestations between Zuma and Mbeki on the NMBM. To this effect, the study demonstrates how the leadership contestations in the ruling party impacted on the service delivery in the city. For the purposes of analyzing and making sense of the nature of power plays within the ANC it draws from the theories of factionalism to illustrate that the link between the growing of factionalism and the one party dominant system.

South Africa is faced by a huge problem of inequality, twenty years after the dawn of independence. Such inequalities have been addressed by policy intervention such as the social security and assistance of citizens through various classes of grants. One of the grants targeting children under the age of 18 years is the child support grant. However there are deserving children who have been left-out of mainstream social security through social exclusion. The study sought to investigate the problem of the social exclusion of children from the child support grant in the Nkonkobe municipality. Through the use of the Basic Needs Approach (BNA) to understand the need for any state/government to promote the social welfare of its citizens, the study took a triangulated research paradigm which used both quantitative and qualitative research approaches to collect data from forty respondents by way of a questionnaire survey. The study found out that, inter alia, poverty remains high in the Nkonkobe municipal area, there is rampant social exclusion in the area, the amount paid for the child support grant is little and that the effects of the withdrawal of the grant when the child reaches the age of 18 are unbearable to the child. Some of the recommendations which the study made in line with improved mainstream social security in relation to the child support grant are that, the government needs to improve information dissemination about grants to the populace, there should be mandatory policies to make sure all citizens have identification particulars, the government should be mobile and take services to the people and there should a consideration to review the amount paid for the child support grant upwards. The researcher is quite optimistic that the study will play a part in improving policy implementation.

Orientador: Carlos Lenz César / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Física Gleb Wataghin / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-01T14:53:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Camacho_LudwingFerneyMarenco_M.pdf: 18964058 bytes, checksum: fa65aaa210a9f9f4dbd93261b64da143 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017 / Resumo: Apresenta-se um novo método efetivo para analisar um sistema de Deputados usando o formalismo da teoria de redes. Construiu-se uma matriz com os resultados anuais da votação nominal da Câmara dos Deputados do Brasil desde 2007 até 2015. Através da medida do coeficiente de correlação entre os conjuntos anuais de votação nominal, calculou-se uma rede de Deputados. Encontrando a Árvore Geradora Mínima da rede de Deputados características generais do sistema podem visualiza-se. Especificamente, expõe-se a postura de concordância - oposição, as conexões individuais entre os Deputados, a fidelidade partidária e uma nova maneira de observar os projetos de lei aprovados ou rejeitados, assim como sua evolução no tempo. Devido ao bom comportamento de correlação observado entre os Deputados, prova-se que cinco ou seis partidos políticos são suficientes para capturar toda a diversidade política existente na Câmara dos Deputados do Brasil. Além disso, propõe-se que a distribuição de probabilidade dos valores de correlação da Câmara dos Deputados do Brasil é uma combinação de distribuições logísticas. Enuncia-se também, um novo método de ordenar matrizes de correlação baseado no resultado da Árvore Geradora Mínima / Abstract: A new effective method for analysing a Representatives¿ system from the network formalism is presented. A matrix with the annual results of roll - call vote of the Brazilian House of Representatives from 2007 to 2015 was constructed. By measuring the correlation coefficient between each pair of annual roll - call vote sets a Representatives¿ network was computed. For extracting the Minimal Spanning Tree of the Representatives' network general features of this system arises. Specifically, the concordance - opposition stance, the individual connections among Representatives, the partisan fidelity and a new way to identify the approved and disapproved draft bills, as well as, its time evolution are disclosed. A well-define correlation behaviour among Representatives is observed, in fact, we prove that five or six political parties are sufficient to encapsulate all political diversity in the Brazilian House of Representatives. In addition, we propose that the probability distribution of correlation values in the Brazilian House of Representatives is a combination of logistic distributions. Besides that, a new method for re-ordering correlation matrices based on the result of the Minimal Spanning Tree is enunciated / Mestrado / Física / Mestre em Física / 1490097/2015 / CAPES