In this thesis, I study the effects of the National School Nutrition Programme (NSNP) on the rural areas of Western Cape, South Africa. More precisely I try to find out how the NSNP has affected the families in this rural area and what attitudes that can be found among the two generations of people living and working on wine farms. The reason for this investigation is that NSNP was set up to increase school attendance among children living in an exposed socioeconomic environment, and I wanted to see how much the NSNP affect people’s daily life, with focus on the ones living on/near wine farms in the more rural areas in Western Cape since these areas holds socioeconomic groups that are exposed in the society.  To answer the research questions, I conducted several interviews with both wine farm workers and pupils living on/near a wine farm. But oral history is more than a method! I wanted to look upon the history from a grassroots perspective with a special focus on the working class, ethnic minorities and women´s part in the history.  My theory is based upon the terms Welfare and Social inequality. These two perspectives describe access to labor market, poverty, education and income support. These aspects highlight different forms of social exclusion which wine farm workers and pupils living on/near wine farm lives in.  With these methods I found out that the NSNP plays a crucial part in the lives of those who lives in the rural areas of Western Cape. Many pupils go to school just because their parents want it due to lack of food at home. The government’s purpose of the NSNP, to increase the school attendance can be seen in the answers giving to me during interviews with wine farm workers.

This thesis compares how Lilian Ngoyi of South Africa and Fannie Lou Hamer of the United States crafted political identities and assumed powerful leadership, respectively, in struggles against racial oppression via the African National Congress and the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee. The study asserts that Ngoyi and Hamer used alternative sources of personal power which arose from their location in the intersecting social categories of culture, gender and class. These categories challenge traditional disciplinary boundaries and complicate any analysis of political economy, state power relations and black liberation studies which minimize the contributions of women. Also, by analyzing resistance leadership squarely within both African and North American contexts, this thesis answers the call of scholar Patrick Manning for a “homeland and diaspora” model which positions Africa itself within the historiography of transnational academic debates.

Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of History, 2008. / Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. [26-29]).

Thesis (M.Soc.Sc. (Sociology)) - Rhodes University, 2007.

Two of the post apartheid elections held in South Africa (1994, 1999) have been used as mechanisms to analyse and assess the extent to which the country’s transition from apartheid to a democratic dispensation is succeeding or not. The primary analytical focus of the 1994 and 1999 elections has revolved around the nature of the party system and voting behaviour. Basically, contestation has arisen over two primary and related issues: the dominance of the African National Congress (ANC) weighed against the weakness of opposition parties and the implications that this development has for effective democratic consolidation. Also, whether voting decisions based on divisive racial and ethnic identities that underlie electoral contests are pervasive enough to derail the process of democratisation. Generally, the primary conclusion has been that the unfolding pattern of South African electoral politics indicates sufficient grounds on which to doubt the prospects for effective democratic consolidation. This dissertation engages these debates with particular reference to the 2004 elections. In contrast to this pessimistic view of the prospects of successful democratisation in South Africa it upholds through an analysis of the 2004 elections the view that there is insufficient empirical evidence, to conclude that South Africa’s democratisation process is imperiled. It maintains that although there are problems related to the to the nature of the party system and some elements of voting behaviour there is enough countervailing evidence revealed by the 2004 election results that this does not present a substantially serious threat to the prospects of South Africa attaining a democratic society.

Submitted by Cristiane Oliveira (cristiane.oliveira@fgv.br) on 2011-06-10T20:57:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 61080200030.pdf: 831441 bytes, checksum: 5e02494d934af7fa902abad3ff3dad7e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Vera Lúcia Mourão(vera.mourao@fgv.br) on 2011-06-10T20:59:43Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 61080200030.pdf: 831441 bytes, checksum: 5e02494d934af7fa902abad3ff3dad7e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Vera Lúcia Mourão(vera.mourao@fgv.br) on 2011-06-10T21:00:30Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 61080200030.pdf: 831441 bytes, checksum: 5e02494d934af7fa902abad3ff3dad7e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2011-06-10T21:36:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 61080200030.pdf: 831441 bytes, checksum: 5e02494d934af7fa902abad3ff3dad7e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-09-27 / Nos últimos 15 anos, o licenciamento ambiental transformou-se num dos maiores desafios regulatórios do Estado brasileiro. Além de ser apontado como um processo ineficiente, burocrático e inibidor de novos investimentos públicos e privados, o licenciamento ambiental passou a ser caracterizado, inclusive pelos próprios órgãos licenciadores, como um instrumento crescentemente sem efetividade para a proteção do meio ambiente. Esta dissertação tem como objetivo verificar se as falhas do licenciamento ambiental federal (falta de eficiência e falta de efetividade) estão de alguma maneira relacionadas à forma como o Estado brasileiro está organizado para a criação e reformulação de suas normas ambientais. A partir de uma análise econômica do grau de precisão das normas jurídicas, construiu-se um modelo teórico para avaliar a atuação do Congresso Nacional, do Poder Judiciário e do CONAMA em torno do licenciamento ambiental federal. Os desvios institucionais encontrados apontam para a necessidade de reformas envolvendo, sobretudo, a repartição de competências normativas dos órgãos ambientais e o processo de produção normativa no CONAMA. / In the last 15 years, environmental permitting became one of the most challenging regulatory issues in the Brazilian public policy debate. It is regarded not only as an inefficient and excessively bureaucratic administrative procedure, but also as a growingly ineffective instrument for the environmental protection. This study has made an attempt to identify the institutional problems behind our environmental permitting inefficient and ineffective legal norms. Based on an economic analysis of rules and standards, we build a theoretical model to evaluate the different roles played by the National Congress, the courts and CONAMA in shaping the environmental permitting legal norms. The findings suggest that a reform in our environmental permitting law should face two main issues: the delegation of rulemaking authority to environmental departments and CONAMA’s administrative rulemaking procedure.

No description available.

This study examines the reintegration of South African political returnees into South African society from a sociological perspective after the unbanning of the African National Congress (ANC), South African Communist Party (SACP) and the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) in 1990. It specifically looks at the role of liberation movements, government, the International Organization For Migration (10M), the United Nations High Commissioner For Refugees (UNHCR) and the South African Council of Churches (SACC) in the pre- and post- 1994 period. This study contends that for refugee reintegration to succeed, primary prerequisites include a relatively good and sustainable economy and, most significantly, positive governmental intervention. A central argument of the study is that the ANC-Ied government has played a significant role in the repatriation and long-term reintegration of political returnees. Of significance is the economic dimension of this process since it facilitates reintegration at the social level. The assessment of the role of the ANC-Ied government in the political returnee reintegration process is undertaken primarily through the Special Pension and Demobilization Acts of 1996 which constitute the focal point of analysis of this study. The findings of this research are that the International Organization For Migration, the United Nations High Commissioner For Refugees, the African National Congress, the Pan Africanist Congress, the South African Communist Party and the South African Council of Churches played a significant role in the repatriation and early reintegration of political returnees in South Africa in the pre-independence phase. In the post-independence period, the ANC led government played an important role in long-term reintegration through legislative means, namely, the Special Pension and Demobilization Acts of 1996. The recommendations of the study are that the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees should continue conducting large scale political refugee repatriations because of its expertise in international repatriation, programmes and processes of this magnitude. More research on the long-term socio-economic implications of the refugee reintegration process needs to be conducted in view of the fact that this area of study has not been sufficiently problematized. Finally, from a policy perspective, there is a need for governments with returning refugee populations to be more proactive in addressing this problem through legislative measures. / Sociology / D. Litt. et Phil. (Sociology)

South African foreign policy is not made in a bubble; as a democracy since 1994, its outward orientation is theoretically subject to lobbying and pressure from outside groups as well as jockeying among bureaucratic entities. This study applies the principles of Foreign Policy Analysis, a theoretical framework that attempts to unpack the processes through which governments’ foreign policies are made, to South Africa to determine whether foreign policy making is in reality open to outside inputs, or whether the foreign policy arena—as in many countries globally—is an elite reserve. The thesis has a specific focus on the 1994-2008 period, during which time Deputy President (1994-99) and later President (1999-2008) Thabo Mbeki dominated government’s foreign policy formulation, to determine whether South Africa’s democratic transition was accompanied by “democratization” of the foreign policy making process compared to the apartheid government. In addition, the thesis sought to disaggregate the various actors involved in the process—both from the influencing and decision making sides of the coin—to analyze their individual roles in influencing foreign policy, both pre- and post-1994. The thesis found that the dominant actor in South African foreign policy, both before and after 1994, was the national leader (Prime Minister before 1984; President thereafter) or, on occasion, his chosen delegate if the leader was disinterested in the external realm. This is in part because South African Constitutions vest most decision-making power in the executive, in line with international norms, but also due to a lack of pressure by non-governmental actors. While South Africa’s post-apartheid dispensation allows for greater inputs by the public and other outside actors, the practice of influencing foreign policy—either through the ballot box or through concerted pressure between elections—changed very little. Public engagement on foreign policy, already weak, did not improve after 1994. Parliament, despite having a dedicated committee on the issue, showed itself largely disinterested, as did the broader ANC. The press, business, the ANC, and most civil society organizations similarly showed little desire to weigh in on foreign policy beyond isolated instances. Only academia consistently attempted to influence policy during the Mandela and Mbeki administrations, with mixed results. Ultimately, blame for this lack of change appears to lie mostly with outside actors themselves, who during the first 14 years of democracy failed to take advantage of political space opened to them. In examining Thabo Mbeki specifically, the thesis found that he took advantage of this leeway to dominate the foreign policy debate and rarely went out of his way to open the foreign policy debate any more than he had to. He gave short shrift to the inputs of pressure groups; had no time for the press or business; and dominated the ANC and its parliamentary caucus. Mbeki had a clear and well-defined worldview, and he had little time for people or organizations with decidedly different views. That said, those close to Mbeki, and even outsiders—notably from the academic community—paint a far more nuanced picture of the man, as someone who would listen and engage with others on foreign policy, at least if he believed they had done their homework on the issues in question. Hence, portrayals of Mbeki as a “dictator” in the foreign policy realm appear to be overstated. / Political Sciences / D. Litt. et Phil. (African Politics)

Submitted by Liliane Ferreira (ljuvencia30@gmail.com) on 2018-05-22T11:52:48Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Francisco Messias Gomes Barros - 2018.pdf: 8771335 bytes, checksum: 8ab2ae9e511e04979d246738a58a8352 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2018-05-22T12:15:21Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Francisco Messias Gomes Barros - 2018.pdf: 8771335 bytes, checksum: 8ab2ae9e511e04979d246738a58a8352 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-22T12:15:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Francisco Messias Gomes Barros - 2018.pdf: 8771335 bytes, checksum: 8ab2ae9e511e04979d246738a58a8352 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-04-24 / The work covered the First National Congress of Intellectuals, held in Goiânia in February, 1954. The research had as central objective to understand to which degree this event, organized by the PCB, can be considered critical to the current hegemonic culture, represented by the State, since the meeting privileged as a centel theme the defense and preservation of the “national culture”. The preparatory mobilization of the Congress involved the drafting of a manifesto, which sought to "preserve the national character of our culture," signed by 1,082 intellectuals from Brazil. To the event about 300 participants showed up, from diferente brazilian states, and nine foreign delegations, including Chile, whose main star was the poet Pablo Neruda. Following this tone, the following secundary objectives were adopted: Highlight that the Congress was inserted in the PCB’s strategy of trying an inflection in its cultural dogmatism, marked by the dispute of comand of the Brazilian Association of Writers (ABDE); to establish a correlation between culture and politics, taking as reference the resolutions of the meeting and to evaluate the possible contributions bequeathed by this event. The qualitative study used as a technical procedure bibliographical and documentary research, and as a method of data analysis, content analysis. It was intended to demonstrate that the generic concept of "national culture" resulted in guidelines and resolutions that configurated the outline of a critical and alternative cultural policy, or according to the Gramscian concept, a counter-hegemony, capable of counteracting the culture of the hegemonic system. / O trabalho abordou o I Congresso Nacional de Intelectuais, que se realizou em Goiânia, em fevereiro de 1954. A pesquisa teve como objetivo central buscar compreender em que medida esse evento, organizado pelo PCB, pode ser considerado crítico à corrente cultural hegemônica, representada pelo Estado, uma vez que o conclave privilegiou como temática central a defesa e preservação da “cultura nacional”. A mobilização preparatória do Congresso envolveu a redação de um manifesto, que concitava “preservar o caráter nacional de nossa cultura”, assinado por 1.082 intelectuais do Brasil. Ao evento compareceu cerca de 300 participantes, de diferentes Estados brasileiros, e nove delegações estrangeiras, incluindo a do Chile, cuja principal estrela foi o poeta Pablo Neruda. Seguindo esse diapasão, adotaram-se os seguintes objetivos secundários: evidenciar que o Congresso estava inserido na estratégia do PCB de tentar uma inflexão no seu dogmatismo cultural, marcada pela disputa do comando da Associação Brasileira de Escritores (ABDE); estabelecer uma relação entre cultura e política, tomando como referencial as resoluções do conclave e avaliar as possíveis contribuições legadas por esse evento. O estudo, de abordagem qualitativa, utilizou como procedimento técnico as pesquisas bibliográfica e documental, e como método de análise de dados a análise de conteúdo. Pretendeu-se demonstrar que o conceito genérico de “cultura nacional” resultou em diretivas e resoluções que configuraram o esboço de uma política cultural crítica e alternativa, ou segundo o conceito gramsciano, uma contra hegemonia, ou seja, uma contraposição à cultura do sistema hegemônico.