Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The period prior to the 1990's marked the ANC as a liberation movement, perceived by many as being in favour of nationalization and a state controlled economy. The advent of democracy and the ANC's assumption of political power have, however, seen a change in the ANC elites' policy rhetoric, practice and approach to policy formulation. This essay examines the extent to which elite views and attitudes have shifted from nationalization to privatization. It notes that while the ANC government has been persuing and implementing Gear and its privatization component, its elite seems to be less supportive and to some extent ambivalent on the question. In addition, continued implementation of Gear and its privatization elements, in spite of reservations by the majority of the elites supporting the ANC, reveals a technocratie nature in approach to policy-making on the part of the ANC-led government. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Voor 1990 was die ANC oor die algemeen beskou as 'n bevrydingsorganisasie, ten gunste van nasionalisering en 'n staatsbeheerde ekonomie. Met die totstandkoming van demokrasie en die ANC se aanname van politieke mag, het daar 'n verandering plaasgevind onder ANC elite ten opsigte van beleidsretoriek, praktyk en hulle benadering betreffende beleidsformulering. Hierdie studie ondersoek tot hoe 'n mate die elite se sieninge en houdings verskuif het vanaf nasionalisering na privatisering. Terwyl die ANC regering GEAR implementeer met sy privatiseringkomponent, is die ANC elite al minder ondersteunend t.o.v die privatiseringskwessie; om die waarheid te sê, hul standpunt hieroor is tot 'n mate dubbelsinnig. Verder toon die implementering van GEAR, en sy privatiseringselement, ten spyte van bedenkinge onder die meerderheid van die elite wat die ANC ondersteun, 'n toenemende tegnokratiese benadering tot beleidsmaking aan die kant van die ANC regering.

The first half of the twentieth century saw the evolution of the global public sphere as a site for political expression and social activism. In the past, this history has been marginalised by a discipline-wide preference for national and other container- based frames of analysis. However, in the wake of 'the global turn', historians have increasingly turned their attention to the ways historical actors thought, acted, and organised globally. Transnational histories of South Asia feed into our understanding of these processes, yet, so far, little attention has been paid to the role of Indian nationalist women, despite there being significant 'global' aspects to their lives and careers. Citizens of Everywhere addresses this lacuna through an examination of the transnational activities of a handful of prominent nationalist women between 1900 and 1950. These include alliances and interactions with women's organisations, anti-imperial supporters and the League of Nations, as well as official contributions to the business of the fledgling United Nations Organisation after 1946. This predominantly below-state-level activity built on and contributed to public and private networks that traversed the early twentieth century world, cutting across national, state and imperial boundaries to create transnational solidarities to transformative effect. Set against a backdrop of rising imperialist-nationalist tension and global geopolitical conflict, these relationships enable a counter-narrative of global citizenship - a concept that at once connotes a sense of belonging, a modus operandi, and an assertive political claim. However, they were also highly gendered, sometimes tenuous, and frequently complex interactions that constantly evolved according to local and global conditions. In advancing our understanding of nationalist women's careers, Citizens of Everywhere contributes to the recovery of Indian women's historical subjectivity, which, in turn, sheds light on gender and nationalism in South Asia. Further, Indian women's transnational activities draw attention to a range of interventions and processes that illuminate the global history of liberal ideas and political practices, the legacies of which appear embattled in the present era.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-07-11T12:46:15Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Eduardo Norcia Scarfoni.pdf: 2041208 bytes, checksum: f127bcd024fbb90b9082e6581a8e3884 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-11T12:46:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Eduardo Norcia Scarfoni.pdf: 2041208 bytes, checksum: f127bcd024fbb90b9082e6581a8e3884 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-07-03 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This research aims to analyze the proposals made by the leaders of private teaching establishments, from the annals of the National Congress of Private Educational Establishments (CONEPEs), in the period of the civil-military dictatorship brazilian (1964-1985), showing their positions, tactics and counter strategies on educational issues. Those guys treated often as a uniform and cohesive group in reality was diverse, consisting of, since members of Churches (Catholics and Protestants) to entrepreneurs without religious ties. Despite the concept of distinct society built consensus from CONEPEs with the intention to enforce their interests in national education. Internal tensions, agreements and breaks are evidenced in the historical process of the congresses, central objective of this work / Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar as propostas apresentadas pelos dirigentes de estabelecimentos particulares de ensino, a partir dos anais dos Congressos Nacionais dos Estabelecimentos Particulares de Ensino (CONEPEs), no período da ditadura civil-militar brasileira (1964-1985), evidenciando suas posições, táticas e estratégias de enfretamento sobre as questões educacionais. Esses sujeitos tratados muitas vezes como um grupo uniforme e coeso na realidade era diverso, composto por, desde membros de igrejas (católicos e protestantes) até empresários sem vínculos religiosos. Apesar da concepção de sociedade distinta construíram consensos a partir dos CONEPEs com a intenção de fazer prevalecer seus interesses na educação nacional. As tensões internas, acordos e rupturas são evidenciados no processo histórico dos congressos, objetivo central deste trabalho

“The post-apartheid Left is a group of people whose values and visions go way beyond apartheid, in fact, go right back to the 19th century Europe, in the final analysis, and perhaps even earlier, to people like Marx and Engels and so on, to a vision of an industrial and even post-industrial world, in which human beings would live in harmony without exploitation, without oppression, and not merely without racial exploitation, in other words also without class exploitation, without gender oppression and so on.” - Dr Neville Alexander, May 1997.

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After its banning in 1961 the ANC, together with the South African Communist Party, adopted the armed struggle. Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) was formed and had its debut in December of the same year. When the MK command was arrested at Rivonia outside Johannesburg most of the remaining members went into exile. The banning of the ANC forced the members not just to go underground but also to go into exile and their first haven was the newly independent Tanzania. The 1960's witnessed the flight into exile of most members of the organisation. In Tanzania, members of the ANC and MK came into contact with members of other liberation movements, including the liberation movements [Tom Portuguese Africa. As the 1960's progressed MK was responsible for training recruits in various African countries, most notably in Tanzania and Zambia. In 1967 they launched their first major campaign, together with the Zimbabwe People's Union (ZAPU), into southern Rhodesia in an effort to reach South Africa. The campaign failed and several members were put in prison in Bechuanaland. On their release some of the cadres, amongst them Chris Hani, voiced criticism of the leadership. This criticism was expressed just as the leaders of the organisation gathered for their first major conference in exile, the Morogoro conference in Tanzania At Morogoro the emphasis on armed struggle was affirmed, and it was agreed that the other pillar supporting the struggle would be international relations. After the Morogoro conference MK continued to train recruits in Zambia and Tanzania, but the situation was increasingly difficult as internal problems in these countries led to the expulsion of several liberation movements. In 1974 a new wave of South Africans went into exile, and at the same time the liberation war in Portuguese Africa entered its last phase. When Angola became independent the ANC began negotiating with the new government about the possible establishment of new training facilities for MK in Angola. When the students of Soweto went into revolt, reacting against the introduction of Afrikaans as the main language in their schools, the ANC, the MK command and their rivals the PAC were taken aback. The first wave of new recruits was flown to Tanzania before they were re-routed to Luanda In Angola they were sent to the southern parts of the country, to Benguela and later to Nova Katengue. By 1979 nine camps had been established in Angola: there was a transit camp outside Luanda, and camps at Benguela, Nova Katengue, Gabela, Fazenda, Quibaxe, Pango, Camp 32 (Quatro) and Funda The main camp was Nova Katengue. The camp got the nickname of University of the South because of the emphasis there on ideological, political and academic courses. But one episode of attempted food poisoning and later the bombing by the South African Air Force focused attention on the need for internal security in the camps, and a Security Department took shape in the region. After the bombing which left Nova Katengue flattened to the ground, MK left their southern camps; a series of meetings took place in Luanda which resulted in a revised strategy outlined in "the Green Book". In 1979 MK participated in a second campaign together with ZAPU; as the attempt to reach South Africa was once again unsuccessful most of the participants found themselves back in the Angolan camps. This failure, together with the degrading conditions in which the cadres were living, fuelled a spiral of discontent in the camps. The food was sparse and the sanitary conditions were bad. A feeling of stagnation spread among the cadres, who were disillusioned at the bleak prospect of infiltrating back into South Africa. In the beginning of the 1980's the roads between Luanda and the eastern camps around Malanje, Caculama and Camalundi became unsafe as the South African-backed UNITA guerrillas increased their attacks. MK forces were deployed around the town of Cacuso to guard the railway line and secure the safety of the road, and this deployment aggravated the dissatisfaction of the cadres. At the end of 1983 some members of the security department beat a sick cadre to death. This triggered off a mutiny in some of the camps. The leadership defused this, the first in a series of mutinies. In 1984 a second mutiny took place in Viana The mutineers elected a Committee of Ten to forward a set of demands to the leadership. But the leadership was not ready to listen and the Angolan presidential guard quelled the mutiny. When a third mutiny erupted in Pango three months later no demands were made and no committee was elected, but the Pango mutiny was more violent. After the disturbances at Viana but before the Pango mutiny, a commission had been sent out from Lusaka to find the reasons for the uprising. The commission found that the main reasons were the deteriorating living conditions, the lack of proper health services and the deployment on the eastern front. Later reports came to similar conclusions regarding the reasons for the mutiny. However, the reports differ regarding the degree of punishment used in the region after the mutinies. The Committee of Ten was imprisoned after the mutinies. However preparations were made to meet their main demand, which had been for the calling of a national consultative conference and in 1985 the Kabwe conference took place in Zambia. Some restructuring of the organisation and army took place and the much criticised Security Department was made accountable to the leadership. Life in the Angolan camps continued much as before but efforts were made to provide some vocational training and better health services. The deployment on the eastern front came to an end, but soon MK came under attack on the roads between Luanda and their northern camps. The attacks intensified as other forces in Angola gathered around the south central town of Cuito Cuanavale, and eventually the siege of Cuito Cuanavale forced the South African regime to the negotiating table. After the siege the Namibia Agreement was signed. One of the terms of the agreement was that MK had to leave Angola and search for new havens, and in 1989 and 1990 most of the cadres were flown to Uganda. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2002.

This research focuses on the controversy surrounding the exhibition and media publication of Brett Murray’s painting, The Spear of the Nation (May 2012). It takes the form of a qualitative Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), underpinned by Fairclough’s (1995) three-dimensional approach, to investigate how the contesting discourses articulated by the ruling political party (the ANC) and the news media have been negotiated in the City Press coverage in response to the painting. While the contestation was fought ostensibly on constitutional grounds, it arguably serves as an illustrative moment of the deeply ideological debate occurring in South Africa between the government and the national media industry regarding media diversity, transformation and democracy. It points to the lines of fracture in the broader political and social space. Informed by Foucault’s conceptualisation of discourse and the role of power in the production of knowledge and ‘truth’, this study aims to expose the discourses articulated and contested in order to make inferences about the various ‘truths’ the ANC and the media make of the democratic role of the press in a contemporary South Africa. The sample consists of five reports intended to represent the media’s responses and four articles that prominently articulate the ANC’s responses. The analysis, which draws on strategies from within critical linguists and media studies, is confined to these nine purposively sampled from the City Press online newspaper texts published between 13 May 2012 and 13 June 2012. Findings suggest the ANC legitimise expectations for the media to engage in a collaborative role in order to serve the ‘national interest’. Conversely, the media advocate for a monitorial press to justify serving the ‘public interest’. This research is envisioned to be valuable for both sets of stakeholders in developing richer understandings relevant to issues of any regulation to be debated. It forms part of a larger project on Media Policy and Democracy which seeks to contribute to media diversity and transformation, and to develop the quality of democracy in South Africa.

The ongoing urgency of addressing AIDS in South Africa has kept academics and activists focussed primarily on the immediate crises of AIDS ‘in the present’. This thesis, covering the period 1980 – 1995, examines narratives about, and responses to, AIDS ‘in the past’ and explores the interplay between these narratives and elites in medical and political communities trying to address AIDS during a period of political transition. The thesis begins by examining the hegemonic medico-scientific narratives about AIDS that featured in the South African Medical Journal, an important site of enquiry as AIDS was primarily conceived of as a ‘medical issue’. The SAMJ narratives, which often relied on constructed ‘AIDS avatars’, framed understandings of the syndrome and influenced responses to it by medical and political communities. The first community that the thesis explores is the African National Congress (ANC) in exile, which had to address AIDS in exile communities and prepare health strategies for ‘the new South Africa’. Secondly, the thesis analyses government responses to AIDS and argues that four phases of response can be identified. These phases were characterised by minimum concerns about obtaining information and providing health advice; efforts to gather infection data while exploiting political and public fear; attempts to extend health education and (belatedly) encourage broader engagement; and finally, consultative, democratic ideals. The thesis then examines the National Medical and Dental Association (NAMDA) a progressive medical organisation that worked with the ANC on influential health (and AIDS) strategies. NAMDA members ‘crossed over’ between various medical and political communities and both reinforced and challenged hegemonic AIDS narratives. Finally, the thesis moves from the abstract, via the practical, to the personal and concludes with a detailed account of the experiences of two sexuality activists at the intersections of these communities and narratives. By focussing on these medical and political communities, and analysing the relationships between these communities, the existing AIDS narratives, and individuals, the thesis also reveals the constructions of morality, ‘race’, gender, and sexuality that infused them. In doing this it shows how polemic and politics combined to influence practical responses to, and personal experiences of, AIDS.

Submitted by Carolina Ferreira (carolinacutrupi@gmail.com) on 2011-12-07T13:14:56Z No. of bitstreams: 1 FERREIRA,Carolina.Legislar pela exclusão social.pdf: 2655358 bytes, checksum: 44c93fa7a23a789bed923974507de5df (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Gisele Isaura Hannickel (gisele.hannickel@fgv.br) on 2011-12-07T13:25:18Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 FERREIRA,Carolina.Legislar pela exclusão social.pdf: 2655358 bytes, checksum: 44c93fa7a23a789bed923974507de5df (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2011-12-07T15:22:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FERREIRA,Carolina.Legislar pela exclusão social.pdf: 2655358 bytes, checksum: 44c93fa7a23a789bed923974507de5df (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-11-07 / The main objective of this dissertation is to understand the Legislative activities and your interaction among Judiciary and Executive in terms of enforcement of criminal sanction. The considered assumption is that the process of creation of laws about sanction management in Brazil is recurrent the selection of prisons sentences, and the management way created by LEP (Law of Penal Execution) is subject of few proposals of legislative reform. This study includes an empirical research of legislative proposals presented to National Congress between 1984 and 2011 related to the enforcement of criminal sanction. The second chapter of the dissertation contains a quantitative analysis of these proposals, through the systematization of general data (type of proposition, length of the procedure for approval, federal state of origin and author) to identify, when possible, the increase or decrease trend of social exclusion through the use of more or less frequence of imprisonment. The qualitative analysis focus on the concepts of management of criminal sanction and individualization of punishment. The third chapter introduces the concept of management of criminal sanction, review of legislative historical creation of legal degree to accomplishment of sanction until the creation of LEP in 1984, and reinforces a qualitative study of task divisions about accomplishment of sanction from an empirical material. The fourth chapter introduces the idea of individualization of sanction, as approached in a judicial activity, which interacts in a dynamic and constant way with legislative and administrative activities, especially while the accomplishment of prison sentencing. From this concept, new legislative proposals present a new arrangement of distribution of tasks among the three powers regarding enforcement of criminal sanction. The conclusion of this dissertation is that the creation process of criminal laws in Brazil recognizes the use of freedom private sanction, considering the extension of minimum prison quorum or the extinction of subjective rights, in a situation that the judge has no many possibilities to actuate in case. / A presente dissertação tem por objetivo compreender a atividade legislativa e a articulação entre os Poderes Legislativo, Judiciário e Executivo no momento de cumprimento da pena pelo condenado. Parte-se da hipótese de que no processo de criação de leis sobre gestão da sanção no Brasil é recorrente a seleção de penas prisionais e que a atividade de determinação da quantidade e da qualidade da pena no caso concreto é objeto de disputa entre legislador, juiz e administrador penitenciário. Para investigar esta hipótese, a pesquisa comporta um levantamento empírico de proposições legislativas apresentadas no Congresso Nacional entre 1984 e 2011 relacionadas ao cumprimento da sanção criminal. O segundo capítulo da dissertação contém uma análise quantitativa destas proposições, por meio da sistematização dos dados gerais (tipo de proposição, tramitação, estado de origem e autor) e identifica, quando possível, as medidas tendentes a ampliar ou reduzir a exclusão social por meio do uso mais ou menos frequente da pena de prisão. O terceiro capítulo introduz o conceito de gestão da sanção, revisa o histórico legislativo de criação de um diploma legal voltado ao cumprimento da pena até a criação da LEP (1984) e empreende um estudo qualitativo sobre a divisão de tarefas sobre cumprimento da pena a partir do material empírico. O quarto capítulo apresenta a ideia de individualização da pena, conceito abordado da perspectiva de uma atividade judicial que interage de forma dinâmica e constante com as atividades legislativas e administrativas, especialmente durante o cumprimento da pena de prisão. A partir deste conceito são retomadas proposições legislativas que, em alguma medida, abordam o arranjo ou o rearranjo da divisão de tarefas entre os três poderes. Ao final, conclui-se que o processo de elaboração de normas penais no Brasil valoriza o uso da pena de privativa de liberdade, por meio da ampliação das frações mínimas prisionais ou da vedação de direitos subjetivos, situação na qual o juiz tem pouco espaço para atuar no caso concreto.

History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History)