Self-determination is a peoples' right to freely determine their political, economic and cultural destiny without external interference. However, the cultivation of a culture of respect for self-determination remains the greatest challenge to post-colonial Africa. Dictatorships and other oppressive regimes very substantially affected Africa's efforts to develop a culture of constitutionalism and respect for the right of peoples to selfdetermination. Most African countries typify the failed effort of trying to establish an enduring democracy and respect for the right of peoples to take part in the government. After five decades of transition from colonialism to constitutional democracy, most African peoples are still under the yoke of governments they consider undesirable or oppressive. This work primarily sets out to investigate if the denial of the right of peoples to self-determination justifies the use of force to secure such a right. Since independence, Africa has experienced armed rebel groups seeking either to effect radical transformation of the whole state or to separate from the state to which they belong in order to create a new state. In the main, this study explores the extent to which rebel groups acting on behalf of peoples are or are not allowed to use force for the attainment of self-determination. The thesis begins with an historical development of the right to self-determination in international law. It initially examines how self-determination has developed from a political principle to a legal right. Despite the fact that self-determination is one of the core principles of the UN Charter, there are still many controversies over its precise meaning, scope and application. The thesis considers the two aspects of selfdetermination: external self-determination and internal self-determination. The external aspect implies the right of people to form a new, sovereign and independent state, whereas the internal aspect implies the right of people to participate in the political framework of an existing state. The thesis also assesses the state of the academic literature over the right of peoples to self-determination, with a view to determining whether the right can be used by a group of people whose internal self-determination has been denied to effect secession from the state. It advocates that, outside the colonial context, the right of self-determination does not equal to a "right to secession and independence". The thesis argues, however, that in exceptional circumstances such as gross violations of human rights and the denial of internal self-determination, people should be endowed with a right to secession in the manifestation of a right to unilateral secession as a remedy of such injustices. The thesis further turns to the mechanisms for the protection of the peoples' right to self-determination, the problems and challenges in Africa. The challenges do not only include the legality of the use of force by rebel groups and national liberation movements in seeking to attain self-determination, but also the right of other states to assist them in their struggles. The work probes the nature of international law and critically assesses whether the persistent denial of demands for self-determination led to calls for drastic remedies, including the use of armed force. Before this theory is critically assessed, the thesis defines the differences between national liberation movements and rebel groups. It argues that as far as self-determination struggles are concerned, there must be representative organisations acting on behalf of people whose right of self-determination has been denied. In the light of these contentions, the study examines the general ban on the use of force as laid down by the UN Charter, and finds that the Charter does not expressly refer to self-determination as a situation where people may resort to the use of force for the attainment of such a right. It then turns to the history of and circumstance surrounding the use of force, examines the jus ad bellum regarding "liberation struggles", and concludes that the use of force by national liberation movements against colonial and racist regimes has strong theoretical foundations and support in state practice. Outside of the colonial and apartheid contexts, however, the argument that rebels acting on behalf of oppressed peoples may legitimately use force in pursuit of selfdetermination thus remains ambiguous. In that context, this thesis examines the practice relating to the use of force by rebel groups and the laws of war provisions that apply in civil wars, and concludes that none of them proves that the international community of states accepts rebels' right to use force as a legal entitlement. Finally, based on the lessons learned from and lacunae identified in all norms relating to the enforcement mechanisms of the right of self-determination, this study concludes with a set of suggestions and recommendations. / LLD (Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

The main focus of this thesis is to examine Israel's counter terrorism methods and their consequences and to debate the effectiveness of Israel's counter terrorism policy. By stimulating a debate on these issues it is possible to identify a more effective counter terrorism policy. In order to examine Israel's counter terrorism methods, their consequences and effectiveness, it is necessary to first explore the overall concepts of terrorism and counter terrorism. Then, because counter terrorism policy is hard to evaluate if one does not look at the context which surrounds it, this thesis will therefore explore some aspects of Israeli security history which has and continues to influence its counter terrorism policy. Furthermore, this thesis will provide an introduction to the general development of Palestinian resistance movements which will include a scrutiny of Hamas. This thesis has selected some of Israel's counter terrorism methods, and will be examining the width and depth of these methods as well as their consequences on the Palestinian society in general and on Hamas in particular. In seeking to answer the more general question about the effectiveness of Israel's counter terrorism policy the thesis will evaluate this aspect by relying on qualitative and quantitative indicators. This thesis will show that Israeli counter terrorism methods do reduce the capacity of Hamas and as such has prevented certain attacks or incapacitated Hamas' military wing for a limited time; they have, however, had a limited effect in the long run. It will be shown that these methods have consequences far beyond reducing the terrorist organisation capacity, which deepen the root causes for terrorism and increase the motivation to continue the resistance.

In light of the widely acknowledged absence of the definition of terrorism in international law and once again unsuccessful attempts to agree on it in April 2013 at the United Nations, this thesis aims to propose such a definition. Chapter One firstly attempts to answer why international law needs to define terrorism. It analyzes international criminalization of terrorism, sectoral anti-terrorism conventions and the obligations to fight terrorism imposed on states by the Security Council. Disagreeing with the views expressed by Rosalyn Higgins and John Dugard, the author advances arguments how such a definition could help solve problems of efficiency and legitimacy in all these fields. Chapter Two then asks why, if a definition is needed, it does not already exist. The Chapter surveys the major historical attempts to define terrorism, aiming to identify the greatest obstacles and advances to agreeing on a definition. Notably, it finds that the main obstructions were disagreements whether states and national liberation movements can be actors of terrorism. Aside from treaty definitions, the author also analyzes and criticizes the arguments in the 2011 Ayyash judgment by the Special Tribunal for Lebanon over the alleged emergence of a peacetime definition of terrorism in customary international law. Chapter Three then draws on the first two Chapters and analyzes the elements of the definition of terrorism: actors, conduct, intent, targets, motive and scope. It aims to explain... [to full text] / Atsižvelgdamas į plačiai pripažįstamą faktą, kad tarptautinėje teisėje nėra terorizmo apibrėžimo, ir į dar kartą nepavykusius Jungtinių Tautų Organizacijos 2013 m. balandžio mėnesio bandymus dėl jo susitarti, šis darbas siekia pasiūlyti tokį apibrėžimą. Pirmasis skyrius iš pradžių bando paaiškinti, kodėl tarptautinėje teisėje reikalingas terorizmo apibrėžimas. Skyriuje nagrinėjami tokie klausimai kaip tarptautinis terorizmo kriminalizavimas, sektorinės kovos su terorizmu konvencijos ir Saugumo Tarybos valstybėms nustatyti įsipareigojimai kovoti su terorizmu. Prieštaraudamas Rosalyn Higgins ir John Dugard išreikštoms nuomonėms, autorius pateikia argumentus, kaip toks apibrėžimas galėtų išspręsti efektyvaus reguliavimo problemas visose minėtose srityse. Antrasis skyrius tuomet klausia, kodėl, jeigu apibrėžimas reikalingas, jis vis dar neegzistuoja. Skyrius apžvelgia pagrindinius istorinius mėginimus apibrėžti terorizmą, siekdamas nustatyti pagrindines kliūtis ir svarbiausius pasiekimus tariantis dėl apibrėžimo. Autorius atskleidžia, kad pagrindinės kliūtys kilo dėl nesutarimų, ar valstybės ir nacionalinio išsivadavimo judėjimai gali būti terorizmo vykdytojai. Be sutartyse pateikiamų apibrėžimų, autorius nagrinėja ir kritikuoja Specialiojo Tribunolo Libanui 2011 m. Ayyash byloje pateiktus argumentus, kad taikos metu taikomas terorizmo apibrėžimas neva jau susiformavo tarptautinėje paprotinėje teisėje. Trečiajame skyriuje, remiantis pirmųjų dviejų skyrių išvadomis, nagrinėjami... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Rappelant l'absence de la définition du terrorisme en droit international, cette thèse vise à proposer une telle définition. Le Chapitre Un explique le besoin de définir le terrorisme. Par la suite, le Chapitre analyse la criminalisation du terrorisme international, les conventions sectorielles contre le terrorisme et les obligations de combattre le terrorisme imposée par le Conseil de sécurité. En désaccord avec les opinions exprimées par Rosalyn Higgins et John Dugard, l'auteur avance des arguments défendant une telle définition, et expliquant comment elle pourrait contribuer à résoudre les problèmes d'efficacité et de légitimité dans tous ces domaines. Le Chapitre Deux demande alors pourquoi, si une définition est nécessaire, elle n'existe pas. Ce Chapitre examine les principales tentatives historiques pour définir le terrorisme. Il essaie d'identifier les principaux obstacles et avancées à l'accord. On en conclut que les principaux obstacles étaient les désaccords concernant le fait que les Etats et les mouvements de libération nationale puissent être des acteurs du terrorisme. Mis à part les définitions conventionnelles, l'auteur analyse également et critique les arguments de l'arrêt de Ayyash 2011 par le Tribunal spécial pour le Liban sur la prétendue émergence d'une définition du temps de paix du terrorisme en droit international coutumier. Le Chapitre Trois s'appuie ensuite sur les deux premiers chapitres et analyse les éléments de la définition du terrorisme: les... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo compreender como as revistas especializadas Sem Terra e Chiapas representam as identidades e as culturas de dois movimentos sociais da América Latina: Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (Brasil) e Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional (México). Para tanto, analisaram-se dez reportagens e artigos dessas publicações numa perspectiva qualitativa e comparada, utilizando como ferramentas de interpretação a análise de conteúdo e os conceitos de identidade e cultura de Néstor García Canclini. A partir das análises, percebe-se a ênfase em manifestações culturais populares e tradicionais, que representariam a verdadeira essência de comunidades camponesas ou indígenas. Entretanto, conclui-se que a identidade é construída socialmente e constantemente reinterpretada pelo próprio grupo e por aqueles que o observam. O jornalismo dessas revistas especializadas auxilia na construção de representações sociais, imaginários e memórias, uma vez que as mensagens culturais estão articuladas a outras esferas da realidade social. É por meio da cultura que o ser humano elabora as representações sobre os outros, sobre o mundo e sobre si mesmo. / This research examines how the specialized magazines Sem Terra and Chiapas represent the identities and the cultures of two Latin-American social movements: Brazil´s Landless Workers Movement (Brazil) and Zapatista Army of National Liberation (Mexico). To achieve this goal, ten pieces of news and articles of these magazines have been analysed on a qualitative and comparative perspective, adopting as interpretation tools the contents analyses and the concepts of identity and culture by Néstor García Canclini. As analyses point out, emphasis is laid on popular and traditional cultural manifestations, which would represent the true essence of country or Indian communities. Identity, however, is socially constructed and often reinterpreted by the group or observers. Journalism as it is exercised by these specialized magazines helps in the construction of social representations, imagery and memories, because the cultural messages are related to other aspects of social reality. Through culture humans elaborate representations about the others, the world and themselves.

Cette thèse porte sur les missions du Comité international de la Croix Rouge (CICR) pendant la guerre d’Algérie et ses suites. Le CICR intervient, d’une part, dans le cadre de guerres opposant des États et, d’autre part, en cas de conflit armé non international afin de tenter d’assurer le respect des règles humanitaires. Au cours des « évènements » algériens, les arrestations massives de membres et militants du Front de libération nationale (FLN) finissent par saturer les prisons et contribuent à la création de centres d’assignation. Par ailleurs, dès l’indépendance de l’Algérie, des milliers de supplétifs de l’armée française sont internés dans des camps, puis incarcérés pour nombre d’entre eux. L’objectif de ce travail doctoral est l’étude des principales initiatives entreprises par le CICR afin de faire appliquer quelques règles du droit humanitaire aux personnes concernées, pendant les sept années et demi de guérilla et après l’indépendance algérienne. Il est essentiellement question de prisons et de camps d’internement où les délégués contrôlent les conditions matérielles, le traitement et la discipline appliqués aux nationalistes et, plus tard, aux Européens pro-Algérie française arrêtés à partir du début de l’année 1961 ainsi qu’aux anciens supplétifs, de février à août 1963. Il s’agit également d’actions mises en place par le CICR afin d’accéder aux prisonniers français aux mains du FLN. Ce travail aborde également, dans une moindre mesure, diverses actions d’aide humanitaire en direction des populations réfugiées au Maroc ou en Tunisie et des personnes déplacées puis reléguées par l’armée française dans des camps de regroupement. / This thesis examines the missions of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) during the Algerian War and its aftermath. The ICRC intervenes both in wars between states and in non-international armed conflicts, in an attempt to ensure the respect of humanitarian rules. During the “events” in Algeria, mass arrests of members and militants of the FLN (Algerian National Liberation Front) led to overcrowding in the prisons and was a factor in the establishment of internment camps. Immediately after independence, thousands of Muslim auxiliaries in the French army were interned in camps; many were subsequently imprisoned. This study looks at the main initiatives taken by the ICRC to ensure that the rules of humanitarian law were applied to the people involved during the seven and a half year of guerrilla warfare and after Algeria’s independence. It focuses on prisons and internment camps in which its delegates inspected material conditions and the treatment and discipline applied to nationalists and, later, to Europeans known to be pro French Algeria, who were arrested from the beginning of 1961, and former auxiliaries, interned between February and August 1963. It also examines initiatives taken by the ICRC to gain access to French prisoners in the hands of the FLN and, to a lesser degree, various humanitarian actions to help refugees in Morocco and Tunisia as well as people forcibly displaced by the French army and grouped together in camps.

This dissertation aims to enrich the discussion about the role of social movements in the process of democratisation, ie. to assess their role in the transformation from authoritarian to democratic regime. In particular, it tries to find the way how to assess the impact of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, EZLN) and related movement on the Mexican transition to democracy in 1990s. The analysis tries to identify possible impacts on three different levels -- political (which means regime transition), social (which is related with the change of the nature of the relations between state and society, once described as corporatist) and economical (which means the end of neoliberal policy promoted by recent Mexican governments and the introduction of more equal, "more democratic" policy in zapatista logic). It looks both at the formal (direct through bargaining) and informal (influence) impact of the zapatista movement. From the methodological point of view, the study is case analysis, in some parts it uses historical analysis. The text is structured into five chapters. The first chapter shows main theoretical and methodological approaches to the social movements with special focus on Latin American context. It is followed by explaining the principles of methods used to assessment of the zapatista impacts. The second chapter presents main approaches to social change and process of democratic transition. The third chapter contains the historical analysis of transformation of relation between state and society during 20th century, from the introduction of (state) corporatist model in 1930s to its gradual dismantling in the late 20th century. The fourth chapter analysis the evolution of EZLN from its beginning in Lacandon jungle in southern Mexican state of Chiapas. In relation with the emphasis of movement's goals, the period from 1994, when zapatista uprising in Chiapas started, to 2010 is divided into four stages. In the fifth chapter, theoretical findings are applied on EZLN and zapatista movement and formulated hypotheses are tested.

Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo compreender como as revistas especializadas Sem Terra e Chiapas representam as identidades e as culturas de dois movimentos sociais da América Latina: Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (Brasil) e Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional (México). Para tanto, analisaram-se dez reportagens e artigos dessas publicações numa perspectiva qualitativa e comparada, utilizando como ferramentas de interpretação a análise de conteúdo e os conceitos de identidade e cultura de Néstor García Canclini. A partir das análises, percebe-se a ênfase em manifestações culturais populares e tradicionais, que representariam a verdadeira essência de comunidades camponesas ou indígenas. Entretanto, conclui-se que a identidade é construída socialmente e constantemente reinterpretada pelo próprio grupo e por aqueles que o observam. O jornalismo dessas revistas especializadas auxilia na construção de representações sociais, imaginários e memórias, uma vez que as mensagens culturais estão articuladas a outras esferas da realidade social. É por meio da cultura que o ser humano elabora as representações sobre os outros, sobre o mundo e sobre si mesmo. / This research examines how the specialized magazines Sem Terra and Chiapas represent the identities and the cultures of two Latin-American social movements: Brazil´s Landless Workers Movement (Brazil) and Zapatista Army of National Liberation (Mexico). To achieve this goal, ten pieces of news and articles of these magazines have been analysed on a qualitative and comparative perspective, adopting as interpretation tools the contents analyses and the concepts of identity and culture by Néstor García Canclini. As analyses point out, emphasis is laid on popular and traditional cultural manifestations, which would represent the true essence of country or Indian communities. Identity, however, is socially constructed and often reinterpreted by the group or observers. Journalism as it is exercised by these specialized magazines helps in the construction of social representations, imagery and memories, because the cultural messages are related to other aspects of social reality. Through culture humans elaborate representations about the others, the world and themselves.

PhD (Political Science) / Department of Development Studies / No serious study into the contemporary politics of Zimbabwe can ignore the celebrated influence of nationalism and the attendant role of elite leaders as a ‘social force’ in the making of the nation-state of Zimbabwe. This study analyses the role played by nationalism as an instrument for political mobilisation against the white settler regime in Rhodesia by the Zimbabwe African People Union (ZAPU) and the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). Therefore, of particular importance is the manner in which the evolution and comprehensive analysis of these former liberation movements, in the political history of Zimbabwe have been viewed through the dominant lenses of nationalism. Nationalism can be regarded as the best set of beliefs and the worst set of beliefs. Being an exhilarating force that led to the emergence of these nationalist movements to dismantle white minority rule, nationalism was also the same force that was responsible for dashing the dreams and hopes associated with an independent Zimbabwe. At the centre of this thesis is the argument that there is a fault line in the manner in which nationalism is understood as such it continued to be constructed and contested. In the study, nationalism has been propagated as contending political narratives, and the nationalist elite leaders are presented as a social force that sought to construct the nation-state of Zimbabwe. Thus, the study is particularly interested in a comparative analysis of the competing narratives of nationalism between ZAPU and ZANU between the period of 1977 and 1990. This period is a very important time frame in the turning points on the nationalist political history of Zimbabwe. Firstly, the beginning of this period saw the struggle for the liberation of Zimbabwe climax because of concerted efforts by both ZAPU and ZANU. Secondly, the conclusion of this period saw the death of ZAPU as an alternative to multi-party democracy within the nationalist sense and the subsequent emergence of a dominant socialist one-party state. Methodologically, a qualitative approach has been employed where the researcher analysed documents. / NRF

The thesis discusses the uprising of Zapatista Army of National Liberation and its impact on democratization and political transformation in Mexico. First, it looks into the context of the political situation in Mexico before 1994, history of Zapatista army and the election year of 1994. The reasons for the uprising were several - from neoliberalism in the Mexican economy and the completion of the land reform until the joining of NAFTA. During the uprising, Mexico was an authoritarian regime with a government of one party - the Institutional Revolutionary Party. The Zapatistas have tried to proclaim the change of direction of Mexican politics. The actual rebellion lasted only 12 days before the start of negotiations between the government and rebels. Thanks to the media and broad international support, the uprising evolved into a left-wing movement, fighting for the rights of the Indian population and the poorer Mexican inhabitants. Over the years the Zapatistas have achieved partial success and often provide direction for the political transition. The main subject of this thesis is examining the impact of democratization on the Zapatistas in Mexico.

CHARLES UNIVERSITY IN PRAGUE FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES Institute of International Studies Elisabeth Anna Hobl Changing the interpretation of monuments for the purpose of influencing the Czechoslovak collective identity through Rudé Právo and presidential speeches (1948-1957) Masters thesis Prague 2015 Abstract The Communist Party of Czechoslovak (KSČ) tried self-servingly to shape the interpretation of Czechoslovak history. National identity can theoretically change over time by adapting amongst others collective memory. As collective memory also consists of several components the thesis focuses on early attempts to influence Czechoslovak national identity by altering the meaning of certain historical events represented by specific monuments in the period 1948- 1957. A monument's meaning derives from discourse and traditions. The analysis shows that Rudé Právo articles and Presidential speeches were part of a discourse used to influence the meaning of monuments. The case studies: Bethlehem Chapel was to symbolize the historical Hussite legacy continued by the KSČ; the Monument of National Liberation was to commemorate World War Two soldiers and important communists; the Monument of the Soviet Tank Drivers was to commemorate the Red Army as Czechoslovakia's sole liberator. These interpretations were meant...