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Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-22T17:26:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Felipe Avila.pdf: 1544306 bytes, checksum: b0cbb2837c19e5edda1f43ee3ee539b4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-02-28 / Orkut is a virtual environment in which many discursive practices are developed in and under determination of historical ways of existence. Many of its users expose their imaginary that constitute themselves as subjects. The main characteristic of this kind of practice is the inconsistence of meaning, which avoid users to make a constantly (re)construction and produces an affect of autonomy on them. This can be observed in extreme groups formation, like the neo-Nazi ones. In this volubility of meanings, organized through different linguistic forms, the contradiction concept can be found, here understood on the light of historical materialism perspective. This paper takes historical materialism as the priority focus on neo-Nazi discourses found on Orkut, which failed ideas and, even criminal, are related to discrimination and reintroduction of extreme presuppositions and doctrinaire frenzies, widely rejected by society. The linguistic materialism elements are observed according to its concept, which makes possible the recognition of knowledge elements involved, coming from different interdiscourse regions in discourse processes observed. Analyses avoid the identification of representations linked to a imaginary that acts in symbolic process trough related knowledge, related to different discourse formations / O Orkut é um espaço em que se desenvolvem diferentes práticas discursivas na e sob a determinação de formas históricas de existência. Nele, muitos de seus usuários expõem o imaginário que os constitui como sujeitos. A principal marca dessas práticas é a volubilidade dos sentidos, fato que lhes permite um (re)arquitetar-se constante e simultaneamente um efeito de autonomia. Isso pode ser observado na formação de grupos radicais, como é o caso dos neonazistas. Nessa volubilidade dos sentidos, linearizados através de diferentes formas linguísticas, encontra-se implicado o conceito de contradição, aqui entendido na perspectiva do materialismo histórico. O trabalho toma-o como eixo de análise dos discursos neonazistas presentes no Orkut, cujas fórmulas fracassadas e, até mesmo, criminosas relacionam-se à discriminação e à reintrodução de pressupostos radicais e desvarios doutrinários, amplamente rejeitados no concerto mundial. Os elementos da materialidade linguística são observados a partir desse conceito, o que possibilita o reconhecimento dos elementos de saber em jogo, provenientes de diferentes regiões do interdiscurso, nos processos discursivos observados. As análises permitem a identificação de representações ligadas a um imaginário que atua no processo simbólico através de saberes relacionados a diferentes formações discursivas

Orientador: Maria Suely Kofes / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-09T10:20:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dias_AdrianaAbreuMagalhaes_M.pdf: 5397738 bytes, checksum: 8753af9a4da3efc95e5b7c1c3b47492d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: Esta pesquisa busca apreender o universo simbólico das URLs racistas, revisionistas e neonazistas na Internet. O propósito da investigação é, por meio da observação etnográfica das práticas e representações discursivas expostas em sites, portais, comunidades, fóruns, chats e listas de discussão, que abordam este tema, compreender que tipo de relação se constrói entre o espaço digital e a defesa da idéia de "raça ariana", realizada por meus "nativos". Como foco privilegiei os aspectos simbólicos que melhor evidenciam a interface entre estas duas dimensões, por meio da pesquisa empírica e do exercício teórico. A partir deste recorte, emergiram algumas perspectivas relevantes na construção identitária que o racista desenvolve para si e para o outro, tais como as marcas genômicas e mitológicas evidentes em seu discurso, as redefinições da fronteira entre digitalidade e realidade e a luta política "dos arianos", na WEB. O argumento central resultante da pesquisa é de que o neonazismo interpreta simbolicamente o mundo contemporâneo, nos sites analisados, articulando mitos, narrativas e rituais. Neste processo, evidencia-se a elaboração de uma forma específica de identidade: o ¿teutonismo¿ / Abstract: This research attempts to apprehend the symbolic universe of racist, revisionist and neonazi pages in the Internet. The aim of the investigation is to understand what kind of relationship is built between the digital space and the defense of the idea of an "Aryan race" attempted by my 'natives¿. This is done by means of ethnographic observation of practices and discoursive representations posted at sites, forums, communities, chats and discussion lists. I focus on those symbolics aspects that highlight best the interface between digital space and racism, by means of both empirical research and theoretical exercise. From this vantage point, some features of the identitary construction developed by racists for themselves and for others were made visible, namely, the genomic and mythic marks of their discourse, the redefinition of the frontiers between digital world and reality, and the ¿aryan¿ political struggle in the WEB. The main argument resulting from this research is that the neonazism interprets symbolically the contemporary world by articulating myths, narratives e rituals. Along this process, a specific way of identity is manifested: the ¿teutonicism¿ / Mestrado / Antropologia Social / Mestre em Antropologia Social

In the submitted thesis the author focuses on the rising popularity of extremist political parties in the Czech Republic. The popularity growth of extremist political parties in the Czech Republic is proven by election results in recent years. Right-wing extremists{\crq} ``combat power{\crqq} growth is closely connected with the increasing number of their followers. Regional elections in 2008, in which the Labour Party achieved almost 29 thousand votes, which represents eight times more than the party had achieved in the previous elections in 2004, can be a proof of that. What is more, this party achieved 1.07% votes in the European Parliament elections and it surpassed the limit which is necessary for the state subsidy requisition. In the Theoretical Part the author deals with definitions of basic terms ``extreme{\crqq} and ``radical{\crqq}. Then he deals with the theoretical division of the political scene, from both the current point of view and the historical point of view, into the rights and the lefts. Then he attends to some terms which are closely associated with extremism, such as: nationalism, anti-Semitism and racism. In the Conclusion of the Theoretical Part the author focuses on the far rights and the far lefts. He pays attention to both the current representatives and to their predecessors of those extreme lines. In the Practical Part the author sets his targets and defines hypotheses and he also attends to the used research procedure there. The research was made via questionnaire investigations. Questions were focused on people{\crq}s opinions which are related to inadaptable citizens and extremism. There were also some questions which were focused on activities of those parties in the above mentioned fields, regarding the inadaptable citizens and extremism, which have their members in the Parliament of the Czech Republic. In the Practical part of the thesis the author also evaluates the observed results in light of respondents{\crq} achieved level of education. In the Discussion of the thesis the author compares the observed data with the knowledge of experts. He also focuses on divergent opinions of asked respondents, in connection with their achieved level of education. The thesis and the observed results could be used by general public interested in extremism in the Czech Republic. Besides, the thesis and the observed results could be used as a source of information to improve general knowledge about the scene of extremism and about the problems pertaining to the scene in the Czech Republic.

Master thesis "The comparison of political and cultural activities of the extreme right in the Czech Republic and Germany during 90's in the 20th century" is firstly defining the terms related to study of the extreme right. Secondly, the thesis is analyzing success of German and Czech extreme right wing parties in the elections, then establishing and forms of membership in the extreme right organizations, making demonstrations, protest events and violent acts with extreme right context which are organized by supporters of the extreme right thoughts. Thirdly, the thesis is focusing on cultural activities, such as live music events with extreme right music artists, with outlining the lyrics of these Czech and German artists. Finally, comparative analysis is describing the form and frequency of all political and cultural activities. Conclusion of the thesis is that forms of the extreme right in the Czech Republic and Germany in the 90's were very similar, however in Germany these activities were more regular and more brutal. KEYWORDS Extreme right wing, ultra - right, neo - Nazism, extreme right wing parties, extreme right organizations, skinheads.

The aim of the thesis is to identify those German citizens, who were fighting in the Yugoslav wars, determine their background, actions on the ground and post-war trajectories, as well as suggest probable motivations for joining the combat in the way they did. The thesis raises the question, how these German war volunteers can be best described and if they are somehow specific within their subgroup of predominantly Western anti-Yugoslav foreign fighters. I argue that Nir Arielli, one of the few scholars dealing with the role of Westerners in the conflict, falls short by qualifying them merely as "meaning seekers" and thus overlooks the multitude of political connections and references, first and foremost among the Germans. I will offer a critique by pointing out differences and nuances, especially in origin- based motives, ideological underpinning and perspectives on the conflict. In doing so, I will raise the question of what we do know about the political situation in both Germany and Croatia in the early 1990s, and how each of that might that have facilitated decisions to join combat abroad. In addition, I will classify their appearance both within the well-known theory of "new wars" as well as within the phenomenon of foreign war volunteering, arguing that there is not much reason why this group should...

Předložená diplomová práce se zabývá subkulturou krajní pravice ve Svobodném státě - pojednáno v multidisciplinárním kontextu, práce vysvětluje důvod také využívá politologické roviny, vymezuje pojem pravicového extremismu a ukazuje jeho rávní úrovni je rozvedena reakce státu ve formě legislativních a represivních opatření. V kontextu občanského vzdělávání jsou prezentovány instituce a aktéři, kteří v Sasku na tomto poli působí s cílem eliminovat pravicový extremismus ve společnosti. Text rovněž definuje, jak velké nebezpečí subkultura ve společnosti představuje. Vláda se snaží s pravicovým extremismem vypořádat, i když se žádná politická strana nedostává přímo do parlamentu. Jde především o hrozbu společenskou spočívající v páchání trestné činnosti, schopnosti mobilizace a tvoření chybných ideologických přesvědčení. Stát chce primárně svoje občany chránit před kriminální činností, vzdělávat je a rozvíjet demokratické uvědomění, přičemž systém občanského vzdělávání Spolkové republiky Německo je celosvětově považován za vzor, jelikož se obor po druhé světové válce stal díky specifickému vnímání pravicového extremismu součástí německé identity

This thesis addresses the controversy of Nazism as a political ideology in an ethical context, with emphasis on the role of man. The descriptive section looks at the origins and history of Nazism, its formation as a political party (NSDAP) and its main attributes. The topics of the prescriptive section are disputations the question of how Nazism stands in the context of various historical periods from antiquity to the peak period of Nazism. This section also deals with the problems of neo-Nazism. Two controversial publications of the major neo-Nazism promoters are subjected to examination and criticism. These publications and their promoters are ?My Awakening? by David Duke from the context of the world, and ?Taboos in the Social Sciences? by Petr Bakalář from the context of the Czech Republic.

The key research question of my diploma thesis deals with the problem of whether the President of the Czech Republic Milos Zeman creates the same discourse as far-right political parties in the Czech Republic. The research concerns the social discourse surrounding the current migration crisis facing Europe. In this connection, there is a discourse analysis of the themes of migration, Islam, terrorism, external and internal actors. This research is conducted on the basis of the theory of binaries from Teun Van Dijk, which can be applied to a populist political style characterized by President Zeman and extreme right-wing political parties, among which are analyzed the Workers' Party of Social Justice, National Democracy, Dawn - the National Coalition, Freedom And Direct Democracy - Tomio Okamura and the Citizens' Rights Party. Research data is collected from President Zeman's official communications channels and political parties, including official websites and social networks. Based on a discourse analysis of their political views, it is possible to compare President Zeman and the extreme right-wing parties to each topic and to conclude whether they speak the same or differently about these themes.

The thesis deals with the phenomenon of right-wing extremism in the Czech Republic during 2007-2010 which is viewed from the socio-constructivist perspective of the sociological concept of moral panic. The theoretical part focuses on definition of the terms right-wing extremism and moral panic with regard to their evolution and various approaches in social theory and also briefly describes the situation and significant subjects of the Czech extremist right-wing scene in the analyzed period. The analytic part presents media content of four selected aspects and cases of right-wing extremism as published in nationally released newspaper Mladá fronta DNES which is examined in depth using qualitative content analysis. The task of the analysis was to determine to what extent and by which specific ways the representation of these cases in given newspaper fulfills the aspects and processes of an ideal type of moral panic, represented by Klocke and Muschert's hybrid model of moral panics, and how the cases are put in the general framework of constructing the right-wing extremism as a prominent social problem and a moral panic.