This thesis provides an original contribution to ongoing debates within scholarly Political Economy and Area Studies literatures on the (neoliberal) transformation of the Hungarian political economy. Within this literature, the ‘transition’ to a (free) market economy and democracy is commonly dated to the annus mirabilis of 1989. The development of the Hungarian political economy since then has widely been considered as a ‘success story’ of (neoliberal) transformation and presented as model to be emulated by other countries in Central and Eastern Europe and elsewhere in the world. This thesis challenges this consensus. Drawing on central concepts in Marxist political economy, in particular state capitalism theory, and primary sources in Hungary, we argue that neoliberalism was not simply an ‘imported project’, which arrived ‘from the West’ on eve of the regime change in 1989. Rather, it emerged ‘organically’ in Hungarian society in the 1980s, as a response by domestic political and economic elites to the deepening economic and political crisis of the Kádár regime. The essential aim of the ‘neoliberal turn’ was thus to reconfigure the Hungarian political economy in line with exigencies of the capitalist world economy, while at the same time ensuring that the ‘transition’ went as smoothly as possible. As such, while at one level obviously a repudiation of past policy, policymakers in Budapest pursued the same objectives as central planners under ‘actually existing socialism’. For much of the 1990s and the early 2000s, this Faustian bargain proved relatively successful, as the Hungarian political economy became a model of (neoliberal) transformation in the region. However, since the mid-2000s, the inherent contradictions and limitations of Hungary’s neoliberal regime of accumulation have become increasingly evident. This has been confirmed by events since the onset of the global economic crisis, as Hungary has rapidly moved from being an erstwhile ‘poster boy’ of (neoliberal) transformation to a ‘basket case'.

While the movement for fair trading practices in the world market dates back to the 1940s, the labeling and certification initiative “Fairtrade” has existed for about 25 years. My thesis is based on independent research I conducted in November 2013 in La Convención Valley, Peru. Through in-depth interviews with fifteen small farmers and several cooperative officials at La Central de Cooperativas Agrarias Cafetaleras (COCLA), I examine the discrepancies between what Fairtrade’s claims and what farmers themselves perceive to be the benefits and failures of the certification system. I argue that while in theory farmers receive a competitive price for their Fairtrade coffee, in reality this price is subject to many deductions at the cooperative level such that many certified farmers express little understanding of their role in Fairtrade. Additionally, claims of corruption within the cooperative point to deeply entrenched local hierarchies of power. Comparing La Convencion’s history of exploitative feudal systems to present-day complaints of farmers – that the majority of money remains in the hands of cooperative officials, who limit farmers’ access to important market information and flaunt a higher quality of life – suggests that Fairtrade is actually reproducing harmful conditions of the past. I conclude that Fairtrade certification fails to empower farmers to escape local hierarchies of power and the exploitative conditions of the capitalist neoliberal world market. Making global trade truly fair requires an emphasis on an alternative international economic world order that holds consumers more accountable and places more value on the lives and experiences of producers.

A series of economic and political changes that occurred in the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s have had major impacts on the small-scale agricultural sector in Mexico. The debt crisis of the 1980s led the government to adopt the neoliberal model. Reforms brought by the adoption of this model including trade liberalization, privatization of state-owned enterprises, reduction and cancellation of credits and social programs, along with the relative abandonment of the agricultural sector and focus on the manufacturing and services industries have caused economic, social and environmental harm to corn producers in the Totonacapan region of the state of Veracruz. In order to respond to the impacts of these large-scale policies, farmers coped by migrating to cities and U.S., and by taking advantage of the emergence of alternative markets, such as the corn husk, or totomoxtle, industry. The objective of this study is to explain the context in which totomoxtle emerged and evolved, and determine the importance and impact that this market has had on corn producers, intermediaries and exporters, men, women and children. Based on qualitative data gathered during 2011 using semi-structured interviews, participant observation, and the examination of secondary sources, I found that the totomoxtle trade has expanded considerably in the last decade becoming the main source of income and employment for many marginal households in the Totonacapan. The study questions, however, its ability to be used as a tool for poverty alleviation. Findings suggest that intermediaries and exporters obtain larger profits than farmers thus elucidating the need for more access to capital and infrastructure to achieve higher benefits for growers. At the same time, research also found evidence of the different participation of women and men during the production and manufacturing of totomoxtle. Moreover, research show that women were paid less, work for more hours and they labor in small and crowed places. Finally, data also suggests that the growth of totomoxtle production can be attributed to the increased demand and consumption by Mexican/Latino immigrant populations in the U.S., a shift in the American palate, and its overall availability in new immigrant destinations. / text

Over the last decade, and particularly the last five years, state officials in Ghana’s capital city, Accra, have intensified their resolve to ‘modernize’ the city and make it a competitive destination for global investments. In the same period, exercises by city authorities to remove or at least suppress practices of ordinary residents in the informal sector have become more frequent and intensified. Groups such as street hawkers, market women, and slum dwellers have become the main target of periodic ‘decongestion exercises’. In this dissertation I investigate how the policies and practices associated with the ‘globalizing’ and ‘modernizing’ ambition of the state intersect with the interests of the majority of urban residents whose everyday social and economic practices are concentrated in the informal sector, a sector deemed to be deleterious to the desired image for the city. I argue that contemporary city-making in Ghana is driven mainly by a combination of economic, nationalist and individual interests. In examining how cultural and social locations such as gender and ethnicity mediate the relationship between the state and residents, I demonstrate how contemporary forms of neoliberal urban governance shape, and are being shaped by, the unique historical, cultural and developmental dynamics of African cities. / Thesis (Ph.D, Geography) -- Queen's University, 2013-11-06 15:09:39.653

A widespread phenomenon on dumpsites in the developing world, subsistence waste picking is also a common practice at the city-owned Coastal Park Landfill (CPL) in Muizenberg. Poor unemployed people from the townships of Capricorn, Vrygrond and Hillview, situated at the foot of the tip “skarrel for scrap” every day. The word skarreling is an Afrikaans term meaning to rummage or scrabble, scuttle or scurry. Thus, if one talks of “skarreling for scrap”, it generally refers to poor peo-ple trying to eke out a living by looking for recyclables in the waste that can be put to personal use or turned into money.In the two decades since the transition to democracy, South Africa and the City of Cape Town (CCT) have formulated a number of framework and subordinate policies which express their commitment to sustainable development (SD). SD aims to achieve a balance between its three components, econom-ic, environmental and social sustainability. Thus, SD is not only about increased economic efficiency and stability, while at the same time reducing pollution and handling natural resources more thought-fully; it is also about promoting social equity by reducing poverty and empowering the poor. This study is guided by the assumption that waste pickers in developing countries play an important part in recycling efforts, and that recycling in turn is an integral component of SD, which is the guid-ing principle of South African policy-making. In an ideal scenario – as implicitly promised by the policies on SD – the management of solid waste should pursue the economic and environmental goals of SD by promoting recycling and should be aligned with the goal of creating sustainable livelihoods.However, the reality in the CCT is a different one. Landfill skarreling in the CCT, and particularly at CPL, is accompanied by conflict and a criminalisation of the skarrelaars. The CCT decided to phase out landfill salvaging in 2008, and subsequently has put a lot of effort into keeping skarrelaars away from its landfills. The implications of this decision – job losses for poor people and a potential in-crease in crime – have not been thought through. There is thus a dysfunctional triangular relationship around waste recycling in the CCT, leading to tensions between (1) the City’s commitment to SD; (2) its approach towards recycling (as part of solid waste management) in policy and practice; and (3) the livelihoods of the poor in adjacent townships. In the CCT the goals of SD are undermined by the City’s recycling strategies, with adverse effects for the livelihoods of the people who live off skarrel-ing.There are several causes for this disjuncture between policy and reality. The first has to do with igno-rance on the side of the policymakers. They seem to be badly informed about the extent and nature of skarreling, perhaps assuming that this activity is performed only by a few people who need quick cash for drugs. The second cause can be attributed to the neoliberal macro-policies pursued in South Africa, as well as to the global competition between cities for investment. This neoliberal urbanism leads cities like Cape Town to re-imagine themselves as “world (-class) cities”, in which poor waste pickers are perceived as a disturbing factor. In the CCT, this goes hand in hand with an approach reminiscent of the apartheid mindset, which saw the need to control poor, black (and potentially unru-ly) people.The dissertation therefore focuses on the core themes of sustainable development, (urban) neoliberal-ism, and informality in combination with a case study of the informal waste pickers at the chosen landfill site. Writing from a political studies angle, this study is framed as a policy critique: it argues that the policies around SWM ignore South African realities, and that the SD policies and their im-plementation lack coherence. Moreover, the conflict between the skarrelaars and the CCT at the CPL is rooted in inadequate national and local legislation which does not acknowledge the role of informal waste pickers in SWM and aims at excluding rather than including them. If waste pickers were sup-ported in their recycling efforts in both policy and practice, this would be a win-win situation for the state/city (economic benefits and less crime), the skarrelaars (regular employment and incomes) and the environment (less waste buried on landfills).The case study is primarily designed as a qualitative study, but also includes quantitative elements as it attempts a first quantification of the extent and nature of skarreling at the CPL site, one of only three operating dumpsites in Cape Town. The aim on the one hand is to estimate the contribution of the skarrelaars to waste reduction (and therefore to sustainability) in the City, especially since the waste they collect is not buried on the landfill, thereby prolonging the operational life span of the landfill. The other aim is to assess the role of the skarrelaars as an economic factor in the township, in particular the question of how important the incomes generated from skarreling are for their individu-al livelihoods and for the community as a whole. / Magister Artium - MA

This thesis explores a relatively new and arguably innovative United States (US) international development initiative called the Millennium Challenge Account (MCA), which was launched by President Bush in 2004 as his flagship development programme for combating global poverty. Inciting transformational change, both in the delivery of aid and within the recipient countries themselves, lies at the heart of the MCA, which is housed in a new development entity named the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC). In-depth semistructured interviews were utilised to facilitate the accumulation of rich and varied data, through which the rhetoric and discourses surrounding the MCA could be' challenged, contested and debated at a variety oflevels. This study critically engages with the MCA to reveal its core motivations and ideological underpinnings, through which we can better understand its origins and potential to deliver sustainable development in the South. In order to do this, specific attention is given to Nicaragua's involvement in the initiative; a country which has played host to a plethora of US foreign policy activities, actions and interventions over the years. An exhaustive exploration of Nicaragua's experience of the MCA is subsequently utilised as a platform for engaging with the core debates and issues surrounding the MCA and development discourse more broadly. In particular, the study's findings critically question the neoliberal model of development being promoted through the MCA and challenge the programme's ability to address the complexities of impoverishment. Part and parcel of this process involves examining the seemingly inseparable marriage between 'democracy' and market liberalisation in development, through which it is argued in this thesis that transnationalliberalism has been extended as the hegemonic ideology of this epoch and a polyarchic system of rule promoted across much of the South.

Mexican President Carlos Salinas de Gortari’s overhaul of the national education system in the early 1990’s offers an example of how neoliberal governments have reworked education systems and curriculum to fit neoliberal economic models. Part of the goal of this overhaul was to reconstruct a national identity that would support the development of neoliberalism in Mexico, where the post-Revolutionary national values ran contrary to those of neoliberal capitalism. This thesis explores the reconstruction of national identity through the use of educational policy in Mexico to rewrite historical narratives to promote the government’s neoliberal agenda. It examines the changes implemented in educational policies to understand the fundamental shift in the government’s approach to education and in the neoliberal agenda directing that approach. Next, it analyzes the historical narratives presented in one state-sponsored primary history textbook to investigate how the historical narrative is revised. The findings suggest that the new educational policies apply a neoliberal framework to the public education system, and that reframed historical narratives are designed to highlight capitalist values, such as individualism, Western notions of modernity, and the maintenance of social order, while downplaying and criticizing revolutionary nationalism.

Since the success of J.K. Rowling’s Harry Potter series, the young adult text has functioned as a potential gold mine both in publishing and in commercial film. Within the YA realm, a trend has surfaced which features a formulaic narrative located within a dystopian society. This research closely analyzes two popular works of the YA dystopian boom, The Hunger Games and the Divergent series, in order to outline the vast appeal of such a trend. Once examined, it becomes evident that the trend is one consistently tied to neoliberal ideals of individual achievement. Using neoliberalism as a lens of investigation, broader connections to youth culture within the contemporary cultural landscape are revealed. Investigating two mainstream favorites of the young adult dystopia has uncovered the notion of individualism that feeds the logic of consumer capitalism. Exploring a range of topics from the role of romance to government intervention, this work highlights the ways in which the trend reinforces the importance of the individual and her freedoms.

Jämställdhetsintegrering är den huvudsakliga strategin för att uppnå Sveriges jämställdhetspolitiska mål. Strategin etablerades 1994 ur propositionen Delad makt – delat ansvar och ska sedan dess genomsyra all politisk beslutsfattning och alla politiska processer för att främja ett jämställdhetsperspektiv, och se till att inte existerande ojämlikhet reproduceras. Strategin dras dock med ett antal problem och fallgropar. Att istället faktiskt visst reproducera befintlig könsordning, att förhöja kvinnor just för att de är kvinnor, och att inte se djupet, roten, i problemet – strukturerna. Det finns en risk för att denna rädsla, eller okunskap, att rikta fokus på strukturerna förgås av diskrepans mellan den politiska ambitionen och genomförandet, vilket istället resulterar att bli en teknikalitet – en bock i en checklista. I denna studie utgår jag från två tolkningar som finns av jämställdhetsintegrering, anpassnings- och omvandlingstolkning, där förstnämnda ser jämställdhetsperspektivet som något som läggs ovanpå existerande verksamhet och samhälleliga ramar och där etablera kvinnor; den andra som söker att etablera jämställdhetsperspektivet i verksamheter och i grunden förändra dem för att främja jämställdhet på ett fundamentalt och strukturellt vis. Jag vill mena att dessa tolkningar går att härledas till olika feminismer. För att söka svaret på detta så använder jag mig av Judith Squires olika tillämpningar av jämställdhetsintegrering, vilket hjälper mig att klassificera materialet och i slutändan ge mig svaret på frågan om Regeringskansliet kan uppfattas som jämställdhetsintegrerat. Resultatet indikerar på att jämställdhetsintegrering har blivit ett mål i sig och inte det verktyg för att nå de utsatta jämställdhetspolitiska målen. Arbetet har blivit fokus på resultat och till något tekniskt och kvantitativt framför politiskt och kvalitativt. Även vikten av tydliga politiska signaler för ett fungerande kvalitativt arbete belyses.

<p>This dissertation deals with the history and memory of the Border War with China in contemporary Vietnam. Due to its particularity as a war between two neighboring socialist countries in Cold War Asia, the Border War has been a sensitive topic in Vietnam. While political sensitivity regarding the national past derives largely from the Party-State, the history and memory of the war has permeated Vietnamese society. The war's legacy can be seen in anti-China sentiments that, in the globalized neoliberal order, appear to be reviving alongside post-Cold War nationalism. The Border War against China represented an important nationalist turn for Vietnam. At the same time, the traumatic breakdown of the socialist fraternity cultivated anxiety over domestic and international relations. The recent territorial dispute over the South China Sea, between Vietnam and China, has recalled the history and memory of the war in 1979. The growing anti-China sentiment in Vietnam also interpellates the war as a near future.</p><p>As an anthropological approach to the history and memory of war, this dissertation addresses five primary questions: 1) how the historyscape of Vietnam's past has been shifted through politics on the Border War; 2) how the memoryscape involving the Border War has been configured as national and local experience; 3) how the Border War has shaped the politics of ethnic minorities in a border province; 4) why the borderscape in Vietnam constantly affects the politics of the nation-state in the globalized world order; and 5) why the border markets and trade activities have been a realm of competing instantiations of post-Cold War nationalism and global neoliberalism. </p><p>In order to tackle these questions, I conducted anthropological fieldwork in Lang Son, a northern border province and Ha Noi, the capital city of Vietnam from 2005 to 2012, and again briefly in 2014. A year of intensive fieldwork from 2008 to 2009 in Lang Son province paved the road to understanding the local history and local people's memory of the Border War in a contemporary social context. This long-term participant observation research in a sensitive border area allowed me to take a comprehensive view of how the memory of the Border War against China plays out in everyday life and affects the livelihood of the border's inhabitants. In Ha Noi, conducting archival research and discussing issues with Vietnamese scholars, I was able to broaden my understanding of Vietnamese national history and the socialist past. Because Vietnam is one of the countries with the fastest growing use of the Internet, I have also closely traced the emergence of on-line debates and the circulation of information over the Internet as a new form of social exchange in Vietnam. </p><p>As a conclusion, I suggest that memory and experience have situated Vietnam as a nation-state in a particular mode of post-Cold War nationalism, one which keeps recalling the memory of the Border War in the post-Cold War era. As the national border has been reconfigured by the legacy of war and by fluctuating border trade, the border challenges unbalanced bilateral relations in the neoliberal world order. The edge of the nation-state becomes the edge of neoliberalism in the contemporary world. The Vietnamese border region will continue to recall the horrors of nationalism and internationalism, through the imaginaries of socialist fraternity or in the practices off contemporary neoliberal multilateralism. </p><p>KEYWORDS: </p><p>Vietnam, China, Lang Son, the Border War, Memory, the Cold War, the post-Cold War, Neoliberalism.</p> / Dissertation