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隨著冷戰結束，美國藉由其強大國力和自身的話語權力，在國際社會爭取自身利益。近年來，由於中國國力日漸強大，開始重視話語權的建構，加上 2008年西藏拉薩「3．14事件」發生時，中國封鎖消息，沒有官方來源的情況下，國外媒體紛紛透過其他管道採訪，出現許多次錯誤報導，讓中國失去主動建立話語權的機會。中國政府當局深知此事傷害中國形象甚尤，為了避免形成所謂「以美國為主的國際話語和國際輿論霸權」以及「傳播美國化」的問題，中國在2009年新疆「7．5事件」中放寬新聞管制，主動提供外國媒體信息，並安排外國記者採訪事宜，使訊息較為透明化，避免世界一邊倒的輿論偏向，企圖獲得中國話語權。 在2009年新疆烏魯木齊「7．5事件」中，中國政府採取不同於過往的處理方式，中國當局記取改善信息發佈制度，事件發生後幾小時內，中國國務院新聞辦公室邀請外國記者到烏魯木齊採訪，安排記者採訪事宜，較諸2008年西藏拉薩「3．14事件」。因此，本研究採取內容分析和論述分析等，透過分析新疆「7．5事件」新聞，試圖了解中國傳媒如何藉由新疆「7．5事件」新聞報導建構中國話語權策略，並以美國《紐約時報》作為論證，檢視中國藉由新疆「7．5事件」建構話語權的成效為何。研究結果發現，《中新社》運用的九項報導策略，在《紐約時報》並沒有提及類似的新聞內容，證明《中新社》的報導策略在《紐約時報》試圖從報導新疆「7．5事件」建構的國際話語權策略，成效有限。 / While Cold War ended, the United States fought for their own interests in the global society through their own national power and discursive power. In recent years, China’s national power has become stronger, and started to focus on discursive power. When 2008 Tibetan unrest happened, China blocked all the information. There is no official source so that the foreign media have to use irregular channels to interview people. There are some error reports in foreign media, so China lost the opportunity to take the initiative to establish the right to speak. Chinese authorities knew that the matter hurt Chinese image severely. In order to avoid the problems so-called “US-based international hegemonic discourse” and “dissemination of Americanization,” China, in July 2009 Urumqi riots, loosened restrictions in media and took initiative to provide information to journalists. Chinese government also arranged some interviews for foreign so that the messages were more transparent to avoid one-sided opinions to gain Chinese discursive power. In July 2009 Urumqi riots, the Chinese government adopted the approach different from the past, which improved information release system. Within a few hours after the incident, China's State Council Information Office invited foreign reporters to Urumqi to do interviews which differed from 2008 Tibetan unrest. Therefore, this study adopts content analysis and discourse analysis etc. to realize how Chinese media constructs Chinese discourse strategies and uses U.S.A. “New York Times” as a proof to view Chinese discourse strategies’ effects through July 2009 Urumqi riots news. The study finds that China News Service uses 9 strategies in reporting Urumqi riots. However, New York Times do not mention the similar coverage. It proved that China News Service use the strategies to construct international discursive power in reporting Urumqi riots, to be limited success.

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Governor John B. Connally Jr., who served as chief executive of the State of Texas from 1963.to 1969, made extensive use of the mass communication media to further both his programs and his own political fortune. It is the purpose of this study to examine the history of Connally's use of the media, to evaluate the degree of success he achieved in the use of the media, and to present evidence of how he was able to achieve success in the use of the media. The study was done in three phases. In the first phase, microfilm files of two newspapers, the Dallas News and the Houston Chronicle, were studied in detail for the years 1962 through 1968. Clipping files of the Associated Press in Austin and the Dallas Times Herald also were studied for the years in question. Also, the New York Times Index was examined for references to Connally during these years. Such references were then checked on microfilm files of the Times. In the second phase, key members of Connally's staff for those years and key members of the capitol press corps in Austin were interviewed. As a third step, a questionnaire was mailed to 25 selected Texas editors soliciting their views on Connally's press relations.

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No description available.

Ce mémoire constitue l'analyse de l'attitude du New York Times devant la consolidation du régime nazi en Allemagne et les premières persécutions des Juifs entre 1933 et 1935. Cette période correspond à la prise de pouvoir de Hitler et marque les débuts de la répression politique et des persécutions antisémites en Allemagne. Elle représente également les commencements de Franklin D. Roosevelt à la présidence des États-Unis. Par l'examen de plus de 500 articles en tous genres tirés du quotidien, nous avons constaté que le New York Times adopte une attitude très critique, dès les premiers mois de 1933, envers le régime nazi et qu'il dénonce sans détour l'antisémitisme du IIIe Reich. En comparant l'attitude du journal avec celle des fonctionnaires du département d'État, nous avons noté que le New York Times est parfois plus sévère dans ses jugements sur le régime nazi que ne pouvait l'être le gouvernement américain. / Québec Université Laval, Bibliothèque 2013

This project analyzes the various opinions in the United States of Adolf Hitler and the Nazis during the 1930s and studies the amount of information that was available in the United States regarding Nazi Germany before entering World War II. Specifically, it seeks to understand why the United States did relatively little to influence German and European affairs even in the face of increasing Nazi brutality and bellicosity. The analysis has been divided into three different categories. The first focuses on the United States government, and the President and Secretary of State in particular. The second category analyzes the minority opinion in the United States that had Nazi sympathies. Finally, the third deals with the American public in general. The evidence suggests that there was enough information regarding Nazi Germany for Americans to make a reasonable judgment. Most of the United States was opposed to Nazism and the German government. In spite of this, the majority agreed that the United States should not intervene or enter war. This study is significant because it helps shed further light on a debate in the country that continues to the present day: what role should the United States have when it comes to world affairs? The research in this thesis suggests that, in spite of opposition by the American public, if there is enough verifiable evidence of a humanitarian crisis to justify intervention, the government should act.

Ce mémoire compare la couverture médiatique de la résistance et de la collaboration en Europe occupée réalisée par le Chicago Tribune et le New York Times lors de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale. Notre analyse s’inscrit dans une période voyant une métamorphose profonde du rôle des États-Unis sur la scène internationale; l’isolationnisme traditionnel étant écarté au moment de l’intervention militaire américaine dans le conflit en décembre 1941 et abandonné, au terme de la guerre, avec le rôle clé du pays dans la fondation d’une nouvelle organisation internationale. Les deux quotidiens retenus pour cette étude, en plus de se démarquer par leur importance nationale, présentent des perspectives opposées au sujet de cet enjeu majeur. Le Chicago Tribune, proche idéologiquement du parti républicain et critique acharné du président Roosevelt, est catégoriquement opposé à la participation des États-Unis au conflit avant l’attaque sur Pearl Harbor et milite pour un retour à l’isolationnisme traditionnel une fois la victoire acquise. De son côté, le New York Times, appuyant généralement le parti démocrate et les politiques de Roosevelt, apparaît en faveur d’une neutralité orientée dès le début du conflit et présente la fondation d’une nouvelle organisation internationale comme un objectif de guerre essentiel. Dans le contexte particulier de l’activité de la presse en temps de guerre, la censure et le patriotisme limitant les critiques au sujet de la position officielle du gouvernement, les relations du gouvernement américain avec les mouvements de résistance et les collaborateurs représentent des éléments notables sur lesquels les quotidiens étudiés présentent des perspectives souvent opposées. Notre mémoire montre donc en quoi les positions très différentes du Chicago Tribune et du New York Times au sujet de la participation américaine au conflit et, surtout, du rôle des États-Unis dans le monde ont influencé leur couverture médiatique des résistants et des collaborateurs en Europe occupée. / This thesis compare and contrast the Chicago Tribune’s and New York Times’ coverage of resistance and collaboration in German-occupied Europe during World War II. Our study concerns a period which saw a profound transformation of the United States’ role on the international scene. Indeed, the United States’ military intervention in the conflict in December 1941 and, especially, its key role in establishing a new intergovernmental organisation marked the end of American isolationism. Both selected newspaper, besides their national readership, present opposite perspectives about this important debate. The Chicago Tribune, ideologically close to the Republican Party and unrelenting critic of president Roosevelt, is adamantly opposed to American involvement in the war until the attack on Pearl Harbor and advocate for a return to isolationism after victory. For its part, the New York Times, generally supportive of the Democratic Party and of Roosevelt’s policies, is in favor of helping the Allies from the start of the conflict and presents the establishment of a new intergovernmental organisation as a crucial war aim. In the specific context of journalism in wartime, when censorship and patriotism minimize criticisms of the government’s official position, the American government’s relationships with resistance movements and collaborators are significant subjects about which the studied newspapers often present contrasting point of views. Our thesis present how the Chicago Tribune’s and New York Times’ very different stances about American involvement in World War II and, especially, the United States’ role in the world influenced their coverage of resistance and collaboration in German-occupied Europe.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / Includes bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The onset of democracy in South Africa in 1994 was accompanied by the rise in bids for, and the hosting of sports mega-events so as to accomplish national interests and goals. This was done with the purpose of rebranding the South African image to the international community through national and international campaigns that sought to highlight the country’s aspirant status as a rainbow nation and its pan-Africanist ideals. This study investigates how, as host for the 2010 FIFA World Cup™, South Africa was reported on by two international online media newspapers, The New York Times (United States of America (USA)) and the Guardian (United Kingdom (UK)). The aim is to address an understudied aspect of South Africa’s hosting of the 2010 FIFA World Cup™ by reflecting systematically on the tone and content of international media portrayals of the event, both before and during the tournament. The study has two focuses. Firstly, it considers the motives for South Africa’s bid to host the 2010 FIFA World Cup™. Secondly, it appraises the content and nature of reporting in the two overseas newspapers. The study uses a mix of secondary and primary sources, which include academic journals, books, websites, newspaper articles and government and the FIFA websites. The findings of this study suggest that the bid to host the 2010 FIFA World Cup™ was based on the country’s positive experience from hosting previous sports mega-events. Additionally, South Africa wanted to showcase its commercial maturity, its development of physical infrastructure, and the presence of human skills. The motives underpinning the bid aimed at dispelling and challenging international misconceptions of the African continent. The novelty of an African country bidding to stage and hosting a sport mega-event such as the FIFA World Cup™ resulted in the country gaining extensive international media coverage from The New York Times and the Guardian. The qualitative and quantitative content analysis from these two newspapers yielded some commonality and recurrence of words such as: “stadium”, “tickets”, ‘vuvuzela”, “crime”, and “security”. The differences between the two newspapers were minimal, supporting the liberal-pluralist theoretical claim that the media acts as an agenda setter, and in line with the Marxist theory of the ideological role of the media. Media coverage of sports mega-events is important and influential in determining the way in which the host country is branded, and future studies are necessary to address the / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die koms van demokrasie in Suid-Afrika in 1994 het gepaard gegaan met die toename in tenders en die gasheerskap van megasportgebeure om nasionale belange en doelwitte te bereik. Die doel was die herposisionering van die Suid-Afrikaanse beeld in die internasionale gemeenskap deur middel van nasionale en internasionale veldtogte wat daarna gestreef het om die land se reënboognasiebeeld en sy pan-Afrikanistiese ideale te beklemtoon. Hierdie studie ondersoek hoe Suid-Afrika, as gasheer vir die 2010 FIFA Wêreldbeker, deur twee internasionale aanlynmediakoerante, The New York Times (Verenigde State van Amerika) en die Guardian (Verenigde Koninkryk) uitgebeeld is. Die doel is om die meer onverkende aspekte van Suid-Afrika se gasheerskap onder oë te neem, en voorts om sistematiese peiling te doen van die toon en inhoud van internasionale media-uitbeeldings van die sport gebeurtenis. Die studie het twee fokuspunte. Eerstens word ondersoek ingestel na die motiewe van Suid-Afrika se bod om die 2010 FIFA Wêreldbeker aan te bied. Tweedens beoordeel dit die inhoud en aard van verslaggewing in die twee oorsese koerante. Die studie gebruik ’n mengsel van sekondêre en primêre bronne, insluitend akademiese tydskrifte, boeke, webwerwe, koerantberigte en die regering en FIFA se webwerwe. Die bevindinge van hierdie studie beklemtoon dat die motiewe van Suid-Afrika se bod om die 2010 FIFA Wêreldbeker aan te bied, gegrond was op die bewese positiewe prestasierekord wat die land as gasheer in vorige megasportgebeure opgebou het. Voorts wou Suid-Afrika sy kommersiële volwassenheid, die ontwikkeling van fisiese infrastruktuur, en die teenwoordigheid van mensvaardighede ten toon te stel. Die motiewe vir die bod was ook daarop gemik om internasionale wanopvattings oor die Afrika-vasteland uit te daag en uit die weg te ruim. Die ongekendheid van die aanbied van ’n megasportgebeurtenis soos die FIFA Wêreldbeker deur ’n Afrikaland, het daartoe gelei dat die land uitgebreide internasionale mediadekking in The New York Times en die Guardian geniet het. Die kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe inhoudontleding het getoon dat daar ’n mate van gemeenskaplikheid en herhaling van woorde was, soos: “stadium”, “tickets”, “vuvuzela”, “crime” en “security”. Die verskille tussen die twee koerante was minimaal en ondersteun liberaal-pluralistiese teorie wat die media as ’n agenda steller uitwys. Dit ondersteun ook Marxistiese teorie oor die ideologiese rol van die media. Mediadekking van megasportgebeure is belangrik en invloedryk in die bepaling van die manier waarop die gasheerland as handelsmerk voorgestel word, en toekomstige studies is nodig om die onderbestudeerde aspekte van die 2010 FIFA Wêreldbeker ™ te ontleed. Dit sluit onder andere in, ontleding van die langtermyn ekonomiese, politieke en maatskaplike nalatenskappe van so ’n gebeurtenis.