Orientador: Reginaldo Carmello Correa de Moraes / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-24T19:13:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Petrarolha_FabioLacerdaSoares_M.pdf: 4573727 bytes, checksum: dcad69c0cdb3ea5acc6d652b09b9fa02 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1999 / Resumo: Apesar de tratar de um leque mais amplo de autores (que vai desde Nicos Poulantzas até alguns representantes da Teoria das Elites), esta pesquisa privilegia o estudo de pensadores filiados ao individualismo metodológico. Assim, começamos discutindo o desenvolvimento histórico do último e como ele se diferencia na metodologia holística. Um dos nossos principais objetivos é o de mostrar como pensadores distintos, mesmo quando pertencentes à mesma escola sociológica, têm abordagens diferentes do comportamento político. Uma ênfase em especial é dada à maneira como os autores propõem explicações diferentes para o fato da maioria das ¿pessoas comuns¿ normalmente (e supostamente) demonstrar pouco interesse sobre a política. Enquanto Poulantzas está preocupado com a razão pela qual uma ausência de organização revolucionária ¿suficiente¿ geralmente predomina entre os membros da classe trabalhadora, Schumpeter está preocupado com o fenômeno da apatia política. De acordo com Schumpeter, o cidadão comum costuma não apenas não se interessar pelas questões políticas, como também apresentar um nível infantil e primitivo de racionalidade quando toma decisões naquele campo. Ele argumenta que isso pode ser explicado com base na dificuldade que estas pessoas teriam de enxergar relações imediatas entre a esfera política e suas próprias vidas. Alternativamente, autores como Anthony Downs e Mancur Olson acreditam que a decisão de não participar da política pode ser, em si, um ato racional e individual, após terem sido consideradas as vantagens e desvantagens. Portanto, enquanto Schumpeter tenta explicar o fenômeno da apatia política em termos de irracionalidade, os utilitaristas acreditam que mesmo a postura apática pode ser totalmente racional para um sujeito, se ele for considerado isoladamente dos interesses sociais / Abstract: Despite dealing with a much broader diversity of authors, ranging from Nicos Poulantzas to representatives of the Theory of the Élites, this research concentrates on writers who are affiliated to methodological individualism.Thus, we start by discussing the latter's historical development and how it differs from the holist methodology. One of our main goals is to show how different thinkers, even when belonging to the same sociological school, have alternative approaches to the political behaviour. Particular emphasis is put on how they propose different explanations to why most "ordinary people" usually show a low level of interest in either getting involved, participating in, or even looking for information about politics. While Poulantzas is concerned with why an absence of enough revolutionary organization usually predominates among those who belong to the working class (a fact that has to some extent contradicted Marx's prediction about the end of capitalism), Schumpeter is concemed about the phenomenon of political apathy. According to Schumpeter, the ordinary citizen falls to an infantile and primitive level of rationality and interest when it comes to politics. He argues that this can be explained based on the difliculty these people would have in perceiving immediate relationships between politics and their own life. Alternatively, authors like Anthony Downs and Mancur Olson believe that not participating in politics is itself a rational individual decision taken after considering pros and cons. These utilitarists affirm that people calculate the advantages and disadvantages of taking part in political activities before doing so. In this sense, while Schumpeter explains the phenomenon of apathy in terms of irrationality, the utilitarists believe that even this attitude is totally rational for a person if considered isolated from social interests / Mestrado / Mestre em Ciência Política

The diploma thesis studies specific features of the local politics in the Czech Republic. The focal point of this case study is the village Dolni Lhota and local elections in 2014, during which a change of the local political elites has occurred. The main aim of this thesis is to understand the factors having led to the victory of a new local representatives and to ascertain whether the citizens are satisfied with chosen political elites so far. The content is divided into three chapters. In the first chapter there is paid close attention to local democracy, local administration and to the introduction of Dolní Lhota. In the second chapter there are interpreted the results of the questionnaire survey, moreover it provides the reader with the analysis of interviews with the executive representatives elected in 2014. Finally, in the third chapter the research questions are evaluated.

Orientador: Elide Rugai Bastos / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-20T19:50:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bilac_MariaBeatrizBianchini_D.pdf: 7832514 bytes, checksum: aecfe8eb097f49ec0075d680fe5f1de0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1995 / Resumo: Este trabalho tem por objetivo estudar as elites no Brasil, a partir de sua caracterização dentro do processo de desenvolvimento brasileiro e das relações que existem entre esse processo e seus agentes sociais, tendo por base um estudo de caso: as elites políticas de uma cidade média do interior paulista - Rio Claro - no período que compreende a transição do Império à República até o golpe militar de 1964. / Abstract: Not informed. / Doutorado / Doutor em Filosofia

Orientador: Argelina Maria Cheibub Figueiredo / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-19T11:25:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gouvea_GildaFigueiredoPortugal_D.pdf: 10640899 bytes, checksum: 9904c6a7bb7ae19b853fc88ba77cf77f (MD5) Previous issue date: 1994 / Resumo: Não informado / Abstract: Not informed. / Doutorado / Doutor em Ciência Política

The interactions, often clashes, between our branches of government are some of the most salient and important features of the U.S democratic system. The Supreme Court, given its unique position within this system, finds itself at the center of many of these clashes. While considerable literature in American political science dedicates itself to the study of the interactions between the Supreme Court and other political elites, we remain without a complete understanding of how political elites interact with the Court. Specifically, we fall short in our understanding of how political elites, both liberal and conservative, react following Supreme Court decisions governing their policy interests. This study intends to bridge this gap in knowledge. By studying the reactions of political elites following 8 specifically chosen Supreme Court decisions, via an extensive content search using an expansive newspaper database, this paper identifies an asymmetry in the actions taken by liberal and conservative political elites.

Nowadays liberal democracy is faced with a crisis bought mainly by the liberal-democratic elites with their approach and the politics they established during the period of boundless triumphalism in the 1990s. Sand castles, whether it was the inevitability of progress or capitalism as a miraculous elixir to all the ills of society at the time, built during this period, began to crumble like a house of cards. Associated with the financial crisis that erupted in the United States in 2007 it spread practically all over the world. The period of the global financial crisis has shown that the creation of a legal framework, building of a conscious civil society and the system of values on which the society is built and identifies with them, or the construction of a liberal-democratic identity fell behind economic transformation and economic growth after 1989 and the people's relationship to liberal democracy was built primarily on economic aspects. This created space for those who for many years hid rather in the shadows, on the edge of the spectrum of political power. A fraction of the liberal-democratic elites, with their approach and politics of a kind of arrogance of power and the style of labeling their opponents, have turned against them even those who a priori did not have a negative attitude...

From 1839 to 1911, Guangdong elites, including Qing officials in the province, local gentry, native intellectuals, and so on, made full use of popular culture for political mobilization of the populace. This study examines the relationships of these Guangdong elites with both the Qing state and the common folks in China and the Chinese diaspora from the new perspective of popular culture. To be specific, Guangdong elites of different backgrounds mobilized the populace in the province to resist the British invasion of Qing China during the Opium War, to revolt against the Qing court during the Taiping Rebellion across southern China, and to push for the pro-Qing reforms or anti-Qing revolutionary movements among domestic and overseas Chinese. In this process, popular culture materials like ballads, operas, and comics provided a critical propaganda tool for Guangdong elites to cooperate with, compete with, or confront the Qing government while influencing the common folks. Meanwhile, the populace also expressed their assent, dissent, and adaptation to the elite political mobilization, by creating eulogistic or satiric ballads and tales, or by selecting, adapting, and transmitting certain popular culture materials politicized by Guangdong elites. / Graduate / 2021-07-17

No description available.

Yes / This study applies a new multi-focal actor-centered institution-theoretic approach to examine the association between executive pay and the recruitment of social elites to the board of directors in developing countries. We use a sample of 119 initial public offerings (IPOs) from 17 African stock markets to model this relationship. The results suggest that a higher proportion of elites on the board is associated with lower executive pay. This is moderated by institutional quality; that is, lower institutional quality is associated with more directors drawn from social elites and with higher pay, while the opposite is true in higher-institutional-quality environments. Our findings confirm the importance of the social environment within which governance is embedded.

A pesquisa aqui realizada trata da questão social e da legislação trabalhista e previdenciária na Primeira República brasileira, do período que vai da Constituição de 1891, até sua revisão em 1926. O argumento que se busca demonstrar a partir das fontes primárias dos Anais da Câmara dos Deputados, e Diários do Congresso Nacional, bem como os jornais da grande imprensa, e da imprensa operária, é que o federalismo e as disputas entre as elites regionais teve maior relevância para o atraso da elite parlamentar em aprovar legislação social a nível federal, do que propriamente um caráter defensivo dos legisladores, ou um comportamento dócil e inerte do poder legislativo, em plena subserviência e obediência ao poder executivo. / This dissertation deals with the social question and labor and pension legislation in the Brazilian First Republic and it comprehends the period of the 1891 Constitution until its review in 1926. Taking as a starting point primary sources such as the Anais da Câmara dos Deputados and the Diários do Congresso Nacional, as well as mainstream and working class contemporary newspapers, we seek to demonstrate what Federalism is. We also aim to determine how the disputes between the regional elites are more relevant to the late approval of social legislation at federal level by the parliamentary elite than a defensive character of legislators or a docile and inert behavior concerning the legislative power, subservient to the executive power.