Mbà lehilahy, « Sois un homme » : cette phrase pouvant paraître anodine mais non moins lourde de sens est une remarque courante adressée aux hommes à Madagascar. Elle implique que la masculinité n’est pas si naturelle et qu’on ne naît pas homme mais qu’on le devient. Cette identité du genre n’est pas définie par l’être lui-même, mais est façonnée au fur et à mesure par son environnement. La thèse porte sur la démonstration des différentes manières dont se fait la construction de l’identité masculine à Madagascar, plus particulièrement sur les hautes terres, en Imerina, à travers son environnement social, politique et économique. Cette perspective constructiviste part du point de vue de ce que devrait être l’idéal masculin dans la psychologie populaire : les valeurs normatives dictées dans la littérature orale, les images et représentations culturelles et des modèles de conduite sociale. Ensuite, elle développe l’image et la construction de l’homme dans la vie réelle à travers les différents statuts sociaux qu’il endosse dans le système de parenté, en tant que fils, père, oncle, gendre… depuis l’époque royale jusqu’à la révolution culturelle malgache de 1972. / Mbà lehilahy, “Be a man”: this phrase may seem trivial but no less meaningful is a common remark addressed to men in Madagascar. It seems to mean that to be a man is not so easy and that Masculinity concept is not a natural one and one is not born, but rather becomes a male. This gender identity is not defined by the individual himself but is built step by step by his environment.The thesis focuses on the demonstration on different ways in which the construction of the male identity in Madagascar, particularly in the Highlands, in Imerina, is done through the social, political an economical environment. This constructivist approach is based on the point of view that what the male ideal should be in the popular mind: normative values dictated in the oral literature, in image and cultural representation and the sample in terms of social behavior, then develops the image and construction of male identity in real life through the different social status in kinship system as a son, a father, an uncle… in the environment and the era where he is evolving, from the royal period to the cultural revolution in 1972.

Le XXe siècle est un moment de profonde mutation culturelle pour le Brésil. En réaction à la Première Guerre mondiale, qui avait été vue comme le suicide de l’Europe, et avec en plus l’impulsion du centenaire de l’indépendance, en 1922, émerge dans les élites nationales la conscience qu’il est urgent de doter le pays d’une identité culturelle nationale, quand bien même les modalités d’établissement de celle-ci seraient sans doute variables. Dans ce contexte, l’observation de la circulation, de la diffusion, puis de la traduction d’une œuvre comme celle de Marcel Proust au Brésil permet d’appréhender le morcellement culturel du Brésil au XXe siècle, d’observer de quelle manière une œuvre comme celle de Proust sera lue en rapport avec les différents contextes culturels qui la reçoivent, et de comprendre de quelle manière À la Recherche du Temps Perdu est peu à peu intégré à l’horizon d’attente brésilien et acquiert dans le pays, au gré du temps, un statut classique.Cette étude sera aussi et surtout une occasion d’observer une partie des élites nationale d’un pays en cours de mutation culturelle comme peut l’être le Brésil : le but est ici, en partant du particulier que constitue une circulation culturelle, de monter en généralité et d’observer le rapport des élites culturelles et intellectuelles, mais aussi d’une bonne partie des élites sociales brésiliennes avec « les interlocuteurs fantômes » que demeurent, tout au long de la période, la France et sa culture. Dès lors s’agit-il ici de se servir de la diffusion, de la réception et de la traduction de l’œuvre de Proust comme de révélateur permettant d’obtenir une radiographie des milieux intellectuels brésiliens sur la période, sans oublier que cet outil nous donnera un angle de vue particulier sur ces élites qui apparaitront dès lors comme lues à travers un prisme particulier. / The twentieth century was an era of profound cultural change for Brazil. Reacting to the First World War, perceived as Europe’s suicide, and anticipating the centenary of the country’s independence, in 1922, the national elite sensed it was urgent to provide Brazil with a national cultural identity, even if the definition of this identity might be variable. In this context, the observation of the circulation, reception and translation of Marcel Proust’s work in Brazil helps to understand the cultural fragmentation of Brazil during the twentieth century. This thesis shows that Proust’s work could be read in many different ways according to the cultural context which received it. In Search of Lost Time was in this way gradually integrated into the Brazilian cultural horizon and, with time, gained the status of a classic in the country. This study is also and above all an opportunity to analyse the national elite of a country, during an era of deep change. Starting from a particular cultural process – the circulation of a literary work – this study aims to observe the general relation between the Brazilian cultural and social elite and France and its culture, which remained a “ghost interlocutor” throughout the period . We will thus attempt to examine the circulation, reception and translation of Proust’s work to obtain an X-ray of the Brazilian intellectual circles in that period, aware however that such a approach can only show this elite as seen through one particular lens.

Cette thèse analyse les causes de l’apparition, la nature des discours, les modes d’institutionnalisation et les effets sociaux produits par les populismes bulgares pendant une période de plus de vingt ans : de 1992 à 2013. On soutient notamment l’hypothèse que les populismes bulgares catalysent une « révolution rampante » qui remet en cause les hiérarchies sociales et les canaux de représentation politique émanant de la « révolution du palais » de 1989. Elle résulte de la dialectique entre l’institutionnalisation de l’idéologie populiste en tant que grille d’analyse de la réalité et de l’impossibilité de sa réalisation par les partis formés autour des leaders qui la mobilisent. / This thesis analyses the reasons of the appearance, the type of discourse, the modes of institutionalization and the social effects generated by the Bulgarian populisms over a period of more than twenty years: from 1992 to 2013. We argue that Bulgarian populism catalyses a "creeping revolution": it questions the social hierarchies and the channels of political representation that results from the "palace revolution" of 1989; it is a consequence of the dialectic between the institutionalization of the populist ideology as an analytical framework and the impossibility of its implementation by the parties formed around the leaders who mobilize it. / Дисертацията анализира причините за появата, природата на дискурса, типовете институционализация и социалните ефекти, породени от популизмите в България през период от повече от двадесет години: от 1992 г. до 2013 г. Защитава се хипотезата, че популизмите в България катализират “пълзяща революция”. Тя поставя под съмнение социалните йерархии и каналите за политическо представителство, произтичащи от “дворцовия преврат” от 1989 г. Причина за това е диалектиката между институционализацията на популистката идеология като аналитична рамка за разбиране на политическите и икономически процеси и невъзможността за нейната реализация от партиите, формирани около лидерите, които я изповядват.

O objetivo da presente pesquisa é analisar as políticas públicas do governo provincial mineiro, entre 1870 e 1889. O governo provincial mineiro compunha-se de duas instâncias de poder: a Assembléia Legislativa Provincial e a Presidência da Província. Através da análise dos relatórios e falas dos presidentes da província de Minas Gerais, anais da assembléia legislativa provincial de Minas Gerais e leis orçamentárias da província de Minas, procuro compreender as relações entre as duas instâncias de poder a nível provincial - Assembléia Legislativa Mineira e Presidência da Província - na definição de políticas públicas para a província, frente às demandas dos grupos políticos e econômicos regionais. Argumento que os interesses dos setores ligados à cafeicultura da Zona da Mata mineira foram privilegiados nas propostas de desenvolvimento formuladas e aprovadas pelos deputados provinciais, a quem cabia a palavra final na elaboração do orçamento da província, consignando investimentos a serem realizados e tributos a serem cobrados. Pelos orçamentos e pelos debates entre os deputados é possível identificar quais setores foram favorecidos pelos investimentos e quais pagaram à conta, através de impostos. Em termos historiográficos, corroboramos uma tendência verificada nas produções mais recentes, que concebem a existência de negociações entre as elites dirigentes do Governo Imperial e as elites regionais e não uma subordinação destas por aquelas. / The objective of the present research is to analyze the public politics of the administrators of Minas Gerais, between 1870 and 1889. The provincial government mining consisted of two instances of power: the Provincial Legislative Assembly and the Presidency of the Province. By analyzing the reports and speeches of the presidents of the province of Minas Gerais, Annals of the provincial legislature of Minas Gerais and the revenue laws of the province of Minas, try to understand the relationship between the two locus of power at provincial level - Legislative Assembly and President of the Province - the definition of public policy for the province of Minas Gerais, meet the demands of political groups and regional economic. I argue that the interests of the sectors related to coffee in the forest zone were privileged in mining development proposals made and approved by the provincial deputies, who had the final say in drawing up the budget of the province, consigning investments to be made and taxes to be charged. The budgets and the discussions among the members can identify which sectors were favored by investment and they paid the bill through taxes. In historiographical terms, we corroborate a trend of recent productions, which conceive the existence of negotiations between the ruling elites of the Imperial Government and the regional elites and not a subordination of these for those.

O objetivo deste trabalho é a compreensão das relações entre direito e política, a partir do estudo da posição dos juristas no Estado e de suas lutas concretas pelo controle da administração do sistema de justiça. A principal hipótese que orientou a pesquisa foi a de que há um campo político da justiça, representado pelo espaço social de posições, capitais e relações delimitado pela ação de grupos e instituições em disputa pelo controle do direito processual e da burocracia judiciária. No interior desse campo político da justiça, a pesquisa buscou identificar, ainda, as posições dominantes das elites jurídicas lideranças institucionais e associativas, e intelectuais especializados em determinadas áreas de conhecimento cuja influência sobre a administração da justiça estatal e as estruturas de seus capitais sociais, políticos e profissionais os diferenciam dos demais agentes do campo jurídico. / This dissertation examines the relationship between Law and Politics by studying the position of lawyers within the State and their struggle for the control of the administration of the judicial system. The main hypothesis is that there is a political field of Justice, represented by a social space of positions, capitals and relationships, and defined by the actions by groups and institutions vying for the control both of procedural law and of the judicial bureaucracy. Additionally, this dissertation aims also, within this political field of Justice, at identifying the dominant position of legal elites institutional and union leaders and scholars from different fields who are distinguished from other agents in juridical field by their influence on the administration of the judicial system and by the structure of its social, political and professional capitals.

La Tunisie a longtemps été un laboratoire de recherches pour les sociologues occidentaux sur l'apport des sciences sociales dans un pays du Maghreb. Toutefois ces études sociologiques restent encore centrées sur une période très précise qui dénotait l'existence d'un pouvoir autoritaire et les abus du gouvernement. Le débat occidental s'est alors cristallisé sur la forme du régime et les contestations protestataires en Tunisie. Il a fallu attendre le 13 Janvier 2011 lors du discours au palais de Carthage, pour que la question de la remise en question se pose sans équivoque. Le président Ben Ali avait atteint avec cet ultime affront aux citoyens tunisiens, les limites de son autorité abusive. Au 14 Janvier 2011, la fuite du président déchu Ben Ali a consommé la rupture avec l'ancien régime et a créé ce phénomène que l'on nomme à tort ou à raison la transitologie. Pour la première fois dans le pays, les élections étaient ouvertes à différentes catégories socio-professionnelles, de cultures politiques différentes, à tous les partis hormis le RCD ancien parti du régime, et aux femmes comme aux hommes. Cette initiative a créé un tel engouement, que le jour d’entrée des élus parlementaires au sein du Palais du Bardo, il était nécessaire de déterminer qui étaient ces nouveaux locataires du palais. C’est ainsi que débutent ces travaux de recherche / Tunisia has been, for a long time, a research laboratory for Western sociologists in terms of the contribution of social sciences in a Maghreb country. However, these sociological studies are still focused on a very precise period which pointed out the existence of an authoritarian power and the abuses of the government. The Western debate then froze on the form of the regime and protests in Tunisia. It was not until January 13, 2011 that the issue of questioning arises unequivocally, during the speech at the palace of Carthage. President Ben Ali had reached the limits of his abusive authority with this ultimate outrage to Tunisian citizens. On January 14, 2011, the flight of the deposed President Ben Ali consumed the break with the old regime and created this phenomenon that is rightly or wrongly called transitology. For the first time in the country, elections were open to different socio-professional categories, from different political cultures, to all parties except the former RCD party of the regime, and to both women and men. This initiative has created such a craze, that the day of entry of elected MPs in the Palace of Bardo, it was necessary to determine who were these new tenants of the palace. This is how this research begins

Submitted by Valquíria Barbieri (kikibarbi@hotmail.com) on 2017-09-28T20:12:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2014_Silmara Dencati Santa Rosa.pdf: 1479890 bytes, checksum: 87d2bfc1f7d7445cb2845b6d28a5566f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jordan (jordanbiblio@gmail.com) on 2017-10-02T16:04:37Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2014_Silmara Dencati Santa Rosa.pdf: 1479890 bytes, checksum: 87d2bfc1f7d7445cb2845b6d28a5566f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-02T16:04:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2014_Silmara Dencati Santa Rosa.pdf: 1479890 bytes, checksum: 87d2bfc1f7d7445cb2845b6d28a5566f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-05-26 / CAPES / Esta pesquisa tem como objeto de estudo a história política de Mato Grosso, da cultura política e suas práticas entre as elites mato-grossenses, com a transição do regime imperial para o regime republicano em 1889, estendendo-se até a ―Revolução‖ de 1892. A República trouxe alterações no interior das elites políticas e, no momento de inserção de um novo modelo de administração política, a reestruturação partidária era de fundamental importância para estas facções. O uso das técnicas e do capital simbólico disponível para que se organizasse e constituísse uma nova elite consiste no conjunto de práticas que serão atuantes no campo de representação de cada oligarquia. O estudo deste período compreende entender as causas e consequências que fizeram o regime imperial desmoronar, destacando entre essas causas: a Abolição da escravidão, a insatisfação do Exército e a criação do Partido Republicano em 1870, uma geração que ficou conhecida como a ―geração de 70‖ e que lutava principalmente por mudanças políticas, modernização econômica e a laicização do Estado. A historiografia regional destaca que, durante a Primeira República, uma das práticas muito utilizada foi a violência. Contudo, no período a que nos dedicamos no estudo das práticas políticas destas elites oligarcas, evidenciamos que as mais utilizadas foram às práticas da estratégia e do coronelismo. E que, utilizando destas práticas, se destaca duas famílias importantes no cenário político regional: Ponce e Murtinho. / This research has as object of study the political history of Mato Grosso, the political culture and its practices among elites from the state of Mato Grosso, with the transition from imperial regime to the republican regime in 1889, extending to the "Revolution" of 1892. The Republic brought changes within the political elite and in the moment of insertion for a new political administrative model, the party restructuring was of fundamental importance for these factions. The use of techniques and symbolic capital available to be organized and constituted the new elite are the set of practices that will be active in the representing field of each oligarchy. The study of this period comprises understand the causes and consequences that made the imperial regime collapse, highlighting among these causes: the Abolition of Slavery, the dissatisfaction of the army and the creation of the Republican Party in 1870, a generation that became known as the "generation of 70" and who fought primarily for political changes, economic modernization and the secularization of the state.. The regional historiography highlights that one of the practice was widely used during the First Republic was the violence, but in the period that we dedicated to the study of political practices of these oligarchical elites, we showed that the most frequently used were the practices of strategy and colonels. And that using of these practices, two important families are featured in the regional political scene: Ponce and Murtinho.

O objetivo deste trabalho é a compreensão das relações entre direito e política, a partir do estudo da posição dos juristas no Estado e de suas lutas concretas pelo controle da administração do sistema de justiça. A principal hipótese que orientou a pesquisa foi a de que há um campo político da justiça, representado pelo espaço social de posições, capitais e relações delimitado pela ação de grupos e instituições em disputa pelo controle do direito processual e da burocracia judiciária. No interior desse campo político da justiça, a pesquisa buscou identificar, ainda, as posições dominantes das elites jurídicas lideranças institucionais e associativas, e intelectuais especializados em determinadas áreas de conhecimento cuja influência sobre a administração da justiça estatal e as estruturas de seus capitais sociais, políticos e profissionais os diferenciam dos demais agentes do campo jurídico. / This dissertation examines the relationship between Law and Politics by studying the position of lawyers within the State and their struggle for the control of the administration of the judicial system. The main hypothesis is that there is a political field of Justice, represented by a social space of positions, capitals and relationships, and defined by the actions by groups and institutions vying for the control both of procedural law and of the judicial bureaucracy. Additionally, this dissertation aims also, within this political field of Justice, at identifying the dominant position of legal elites institutional and union leaders and scholars from different fields who are distinguished from other agents in juridical field by their influence on the administration of the judicial system and by the structure of its social, political and professional capitals.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T12:23:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 2487547 bytes, checksum: 369b54d03f00fc3dbcb4e9caf50cf269 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-08-30 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This study has as main objective of analyze the conquest and the occupation of hinterland of the Captaincy of Paraiba North as well as the formation of the first local elites that were forming in the region between the years 1690-1772. During these years the hinterland of the North Capitanias of the State of Brazil went through a process of internalization of their territories, especially after the expulsion of the Holandeses in 1654. Like this, we undertook an investigation about the process that precedes the establishment of the settlers in the hinterland of Piranhas and Piancó: the war against indigenous peoples and the distribution of land allotments. This tense process of disputes could not have been successful without the participation of conquerors who, at the expense of their strengths and resources, and by strength of sword and of faith, dilated else the Portuguese dominions in America. Finally we seek to understand how the first conquerors of the region analyzed here, especially the family group of Oliveira Ledo, became the first and principal nucleus of the local elite, through access to real mercês granted by the monarch through the services provided under the achievement. / Este trabalho tem como principal objetivo de análise a conquista e ocupação do sertão da Capitania da Parahyba do Norte, bem como a formação das primeiras elites locais que estavam se formando na região, entre os anos de 1690 a 1772. No decorrer desses anos, os sertões das Capitanias do Norte do Estado do Brasil passaram por um processo de interiorização de seus territórios, sobretudo após a expulsão dos holandeses em 1654. Dessa maneira, empreendemos uma investigação a respeito do processo que antecede o estabelecimento dos colonizadores no sertão de Piranhas e Piancó: a guerra contra os povos indígenas e a distribuição de terras em sesmarias. Esse tenso processo de disputas não poderia ter obtido sucesso sem a participação de conquistadores que, a custa de suas forças e recursos e pela força da espada e da fé, dilataram ainda mais os domínios portugueses na América. Tendo em vista esse contexto, buscamos perceber de que forma os primeiros conquistadores da região aqui analisada, especialmente o grupo familiar dos Oliveira Ledo, se transformaram no primeiro e principal núcleo de elite local, por meio do acesso a mercês reais concedidas pelo monarca graças aos serviços prestados no âmbito da conquista.

This article explores the case of an intermediate group inhabiting the Lurin Valley on the Central Coast of Peru and its role in the valley’s integration within the context of regional politics at the beginning of the Middle Horizon. Thisresearch presents and analyzes how political strategies were constructed in the valley, incorporating data from excavations at the site of Lote B. Additionally, evidence published about other domestic sites in Lurin is discussed in order to partially reconstruct the interaction between distinct segments of Lima society.This work contributes to a better understanding of the Lima culture, and to the reconstruction of its social organization. In a larger sense, we propose that the Lima culture was initially a tradition shared by a number of relatively independent groups that at the end of the Early Intermediate Period, entered into a process of progressive centralization, developing more rigid political organizations and reordering social structures. We posit that the existing intermediate groups in Lurin adopted strategies that permitted them to reformulate these new political contexts. / El presente artículo explora el caso de un grupo intermedio, que habitaba el valle de Lurín, en la Costa Central peruana, y el rol que este cumplió en la integración del valle dentro del contexto político regional, al comienzo del Horizonte Medio. Presentaremos y analizaremos cómo se construyeron las estrategias políticas en el valle, incorporando datos de nuestras excavaciones en el sitio Lote B. Se discute adicionalmente la evidencia publicada proveniente de otros sitios domésticos, para reconstruir parcialmente la interacción de los distintos segmentos de la sociedad Lima. De esta manera, contribuimos a un mejor entendimiento y a la reconstrucción de su organización social. En una manera más amplia proponemos que la cultura Lima inicialmente representó una tradición compartida por varios grupos relativamente independientes, que para el final del Intermedio Temprano, entraron en un proceso de progresiva centralización y desarrollo de una(s) organización(es) política más rígida y un reordenamiento de las estructuras sociales, donde los grupos intermedios existentes en Lurín, adoptaron estrategias que les permitieron reformular estos nuevos contextos políticos.