This research investigated the basis upon which undergraduates construct notions of social honor and the role higher educational institutions play in the consolidation of status group cultures in Mexico. The topics I analyzed included the criteria college students use to evaluate the worthiness of their peers and friends and the meaning they attach to studying at certain higher educational institutions. This study drew primarily on 65 in-depth interviews and four focus group sessions with 15 students enrolled at socioeconomically stratified private and public higher educational institutions in a large city. I also relied on an institutional analysis of the higher educational institutions where I did my research to complement the analysis. The findings of this research show that there are institutional similarities in relation to the moral criteria undergraduates use to evaluate the worthiness of their friends and peers. However, there are important institutional differences showing that Mexico’s system of higher education attracts and trains at least four status groups. The status groups cultures associated with educational credentials show that there are significant cultural and socioeconomic distinctions within the high cost private sector. In particular, there is a clash between an old pedigree status group for which social connections are of outmost importance and a new emerging upper-middle class that competes through the rigorous academic training its undergraduates receive. The other two status groups are composed of lay and large public universities that attract middle-class students and demand-absorption institutions that train students who did not gain admission to public universities or who want to avoid the negative stereotypes associated with public universities. Undergraduates from these two last groups occupy the bottom of the occupational and prestige hierarchy. This research also shows that most of the internal hierarchies undergraduates use to rank their peers do not transcend the walls of a specific college. However, the testimonies of high class students revealed that members from this social stratum determine the worthiness of others based on residential location. This dissertation also shows that socioeconomic and cultural boundaries provide some of the most important sources of symbolic divisions among college students in Mexico. / text

How do religious and political elites in Papua New Guinea and Solomon Islands see the modern state? This thesis addresses this question. The thesis shows that these two countries do not fit with the ideal structure of the modern state provided here. This is despite the state building efforts of Australia as the two countries largest aid donor. It shows that there are a number of ways that the state can be seen by elites. Amongst both groups of elites can the state can be seen by some as something for the security and betterment of the population. It can be seen as a structure to oppose by some religious groups. Other religious leaders see the state as a partner for the development of both countries. Political elites can see keeping the state weak as being beneficial to finance its operations. Some leaders see the state as an item of capture. It finds that though religious leaders have generally good intentions for the state, they are limited in their authority and influence. The thesis also finds that though political elites are much more important than religious elites in shaping the state, their role is limited by and tied to the people. It finds that the two societies are extremely fragmented and competitive with many differing interests. This leads to the state being seen as an item of competition. This competition does not create the conditions that the state as a structure depends on to reach its ideal form. It concludes that for the state to succeed in both countries there needs to be a shift in attitude towards it.

This thesis explores how media has reported on the Darfur conflict as a climate conflict. For that purpose a media analysis has been carried out that analyses quantitative data through four different cases from different parts of the world. In order to get this data a quantitative content analysis has been carried out. The analysis has been carried out by using a media policy framework that enables the data to be classified in three different categories depending on the level of elite consensus and policy uncertainty on the matter at hand. This thesis concludes that media around the world have been reporting on climate change as a contributing factor depending on how that argument can be used to serve their geo-strategic policy on the conflict. In that sense climate change is mainly brought up as a way to relieve the Sudanese government of its responsibility in the conflict.

Revision of the author's Thesis (doctoral--Universität Koln) under the title: Nationale Organisationen und nationale Eliten des politischen Bürgertums in Deutschland. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [457]-501) and index.

Submitted by Lucienne Costa (lucienneferreira@ufcg.edu.br) on 2018-06-29T20:45:35Z No. of bitstreams: 1 HUGO PAZ DE FARIAS BRAGA – DISSERTAÇÃO (PPGH) 2017.pdf: 1589617 bytes, checksum: abd6f8eaa30ccf1bd32f4a3c73e42283 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-29T20:45:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 HUGO PAZ DE FARIAS BRAGA – DISSERTAÇÃO (PPGH) 2017.pdf: 1589617 bytes, checksum: abd6f8eaa30ccf1bd32f4a3c73e42283 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017 / Capes / Este trabalho tem por fim fazer uma análise histórica do processo de formação e perpetuação do Poder Local em Campina Grande, durante o Império. A análise segue uma relação dialética entre nacional e local, a fim de destacar os acontecimentos externos que impactaram em Campina Grande, por meio de suas elites políticas. Ao mesmo tempo, analisa os mecanismos de união das mesmas elites, que se dividiram em famílias e por meio delas selavam alianças, através de casamentos, relações de compadrio e pertencimento a partidos políticos. As disputas políticas entre estes grupos pelo controle do poder passava pelo uso do Estado para objetivos puramente pessoais e, não raro, estes conflitos redundavam em violência e perseguição. O trabalho responder como este poder local se perpetuava e funcionava.

The Shanties Palmares lasted for over a century. The first attempts of destruction by the government of the province of Pernambuco dating back to 1602. During the Dutch rule, two inputs were executed by the Batavians in 1644 and 1645. However, would be after the restoration of the Captaincy that shipments would begin to be arranged with more intensity. It is known that during the second half of the seventeenth century, several military expeditions were sent to fight the Palmares, carrying hundreds of soldiers. Many of them were part of Pernambuco, elite seated in awarding honorary titles and social status, resulting from the conquest and settlement of the territory and the restoration in 1654. Many of these awards were required and gains through the services provided in these conflicts, and sometimes left for subsequent generations, a mechanism that guarantees the perpetuation of power and prestige of a family. However, the pioneers Paulistas were called to fight in Palmares, contributing to its destruction. In this sense, gained favors, which included extensive tracts of land in Palmarina region, which assured them bases for rooting in Pernambuco. / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Os Mocambos de Palmares duraram mais de um século. As primeiras tentativas de destruição por parte do governo da Capitania de Pernambuco datam de 1602. Durante o domínio holandês, duas entradas foram executadas pelos batavos, em 1644 e 1645. Entretanto, seria após a restauração da Capitania que as expedições começariam a ser organizadas com mais intensidade. Sabe-se que durante a segunda metade do século XVII várias expedições militares foram mandadas para combater os Palmares, levando consigo centenas de soldados. Muitos deles faziam parte da elite pernambucana, assentada na concessão de títulos honoríficos e status social, advindos da conquista e povoação do território e da restauração em 1654. Muitos desses prêmios foram requeridos e ganhos através dos serviços prestados nesses conflitos, e, algumas vezes, deixados para as gerações subsequentes, mecanismo que garantia a perpetuação do poder e do prestígio de uma família. Entretanto, os bandeirantes paulistas foram chamados a combater nos Palmares, contribuindo com sua destruição. Nesse sentido, ganharam mercês, o que incluía extensos lotes de terra na região palmarina, o que lhes garantiu bases para o enraizamento em Pernambuco.

Annotation Through the analysis of the alternation of the elites in the municipality of Studená and the after - February fates of two businessmen, I tried to describe the transformations of the small town in the course of the period of three republics and mainly during the high Stalinism. I substantiated, inter alia, the replacement of the small town elites by two examples of Jan Satrapa and Karel Bartušek whose fates appeared to be very applicable for this way approached case study. I also attempted to record the changes of the common cultural and ideological period trends within this municipality. Directed through the specific fates, I described the shape of the small town after February 25, 1948 and compared it with the specialised literature thereby I tried to place the case of Studená in the contemporary context. To acheive the needed results, I used the sources of personal data and the memory data (family and municipal chronicles), conversations with survivors, and likewise the books of Vlasta Javořická. They proved to be extremely valuable sources.

Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas. Programa de Pós-Graduação em História. / Made available in DSpace on 2012-10-20T18:13:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 191344.pdf: 3672259 bytes, checksum: 92b48edfa8ccaa0d61e5601f83d1c5cd (MD5) / O foco desta tese são as ações e discursos das elites econômicas na esfera pública de Blumenau, entre 1929 e 1950, com relação à questão da "integração nacional". Evidencia-se como, neste período, as concepções que tais elites tinham sobre a cidade mudam, passando-se da celebração da etnicidade teuto-brasileira à afirmação da brasilidade. Perpassa a tese a preocupação em mostrar as articulações políticas e as estratégias discursivas de pessoas que integravam ou eram ligadas às elites econômicas da cidade, no sentido de tentar preservar e/ou reproduzir poder.

Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas. Programa de Pós-Graduação em História. / Made available in DSpace on 2012-10-20T15:59:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 / Análise dos discursos produzidos nos jornais de Florianópolis nas 3 primeiras décadas do século XX que se referiam aos corpos que dançavam. Estuda como os discursos puderam capturar e (re) significar as práticas de danças, contribuindo para perceber construções culturais que faziam parte daquela sociedade e descortinar elementos que ficaram ocultados sob a aparência de uma cidade "pacata".

Resumo: Na primeira parte desta pesquisa, enfoca-se um caso particular de “minoria política”, a classe dirigente do estado do Paraná no período de 1995 a 2006. Por meio de dados oriundos de surveys aplicados aos ocupantes das mais altas posições hierárquicas de instituições-chave do processo decisório estadual, constrói-se um perfil dessa classe dirigente quanto a vários aspectos sociologicamente relevantes (sexo, cor, idade, origem social e trajetória escolar), com o objetivo de descobrir (i) até que ponto a composição desse grupo reflete a da população em geral, (ii) qual o seu grau de diferenciação interna e (iii) quais os determinantes sociais (mecanismos de estratificação, filtragem e direcionamento) que podem estar na origem das configurações encontradas. A fim de explorar de maneira mais aprofundada o modo de ação desses determinantes, e dado o peso – já estabelecido – da escolaridade no acesso às posições de poder, a segunda parte da pesquisa debruça-se sobre um aspecto específico do perfil desse conjunto de agentes: a importância da formação jurídica e, sobretudo, de determinados cursos de direito na formação escolar dessa classe. A hipótese norteadora, aqui, é de que, de modo análogo aos partidos políticos, as instituições de ensino (superior, sobretudo) funcionam como espaços de socialização (produção de “vocação”) e recrutamento para o Estado e a política, colaborando assim para explicar a configuração da classe dirigente que ocupa as arenas decisórias.