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"Warriors and Wanderers: Making Race in the Tasman World, 1769-1840" is an exploration of the development of racial thought in Australia and New Zealand from the period of first contact between British and the respective indigenous peoples to the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi. It analyses four groups of primary documents: the journals and published manuscripts of James Cook's Pacific voyages; An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales by David Collins published in 1798; documents written by and about Samuel Marsden, colonial chaplain in New South Wales and the father of the first mission to New Zealand; and the Reports from the British House of Commons Select Committee into the Treatment of Aborigines in the British Empire from 1835 to 1837. This study employs a transnational methodology and explores the early imperial history of the two countries as a Tasman world of imperial activity. It argues that ideas of human difference and racial thought had important material effects for the indigenous peoples of the region, and were critical to the design of colonial projects and ongoing relationships with both Maori and Aboriginal people, influencing the countries; and their national historiographies, right up to the present day. Part 1 examines the journals of James Cook's three Pacific voyages, and the ideas about Maori and Aboriginal people which were developed out them. The journals and published books of Cook's Pacific voyages depicted Maori as a warrior race living in hierarchical communities, people who were physically akin to Europeans and keen to interact with the voyagers, and who were understood to change their landscape as well as to defend their land, people who, I argue, were depicted as sovereign owners of their land. In Australia encounter was completely different, characterised by Aboriginal people's strategic use of withdrawal and observation, and British descriptions can be characterised as an ethnology of absence, with skin colour dominating documentation of Aboriginal people in the Endeavour voyage journals. Aboriginal withdrawal from encounter with the British signified to Banks that Aboriginal people had no defensive capability. Assumptions of low population numbers and that Aboriginal people did not change their landscape exacerbated this idea, and culminated in the concept that Aboriginal people were not sovereign owners of their country. Part 2 examines debates informing the decision to colonise the east coast of Australia through the evidence of Joseph Banks and James Matra to the British Government Committee on Transportation. The idea that Aboriginal people would not resist settlement was a feature not only of this expert evidence but dominated representation of the Sydney Eora community in David Collins's An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, such that Aboriginal attacks on the settlement were not said to be resistance. A report of the kidnapping of two Muriwhenua Maori men by Norfolk Island colonial authorities was also included in Collins Account, relaying to a British audience a Maori view of their own communities while also opening up further British knowledge of the resources New Zealand offered the empire. The connection with Maori communities facilitated by British kidnapping and subsequent visits by Maori chiefs to New South Wales encouraged the New South Wales colonial chaplain Samuel Marsden to lobby for a New Zealand mission, which was established in 1814, as discussed in Part 3. Marsden was a tireless advocate for Maori civilisation and religious instruction, while he argued that Aboriginal people could not be converted to Christianity. Part 3 explores Marsden's colonial career in the Tasman world, arguing that his divergent actions in the two communities shaped racial thought about the two communities of the two countries. It explores the crucial role of the chaplain's connection to the Australian colony, especially through his significant holdings of land and his relationships with individual Aboriginal children who he raised in his home, to his depiction of Aboriginal people and his assessment of their capacity as human beings. Evidence from missionary experience in New Zealand was central to the divergent depictions of Tasman world indigenous people in the Buxton Committee Reports produced in 1836 and 1837, which are analysed in Part 4. The Buxton Committee placed their conclusions about Maori and Aboriginal people within the context of British imperial activity around the globe. While the Buxton Committee stressed that all peoples were owners of their land, in the Tasman world evidence suggested that Aboriginal people did not use land in a way that would confer practical ownership rights. And while the Buxton Committee believed that Australia's race relations were a failure of British benevolent imperialism, they did not feel that colonial expansion could, or should be, halted. Evidence from New Zealand stressed that Maori independence was threatened by those seen to be "inappropriate" British imperial agents who came via Australia, reinforcing a discourse of separation between Australia and New Zealand that Marsden had first initiated. While the Buxton Committee had not advocated the negotiation of treaties, the idea that Maori sovereignty was too fragile to be sustained justified the British decision to negotiate a treaty with Maori just three years after the Select Committee delivered its final Report.

Ce mémoire analyse deux cartes postales de la ville d’Alger qui représentent des espaces publics. Ces espaces publics montrent des gens de communautés mixtes. Les cartes ont été produites à Alger entre 1890 et 1914 environ, une période qui fait coïncider l’essor de ce médium avec celui de la colonisation européenne en Algérie. Le corpus a été choisi parce qu’il diffère de la production générale de cartes postales algériennes ainsi que de l’ensemble des images représentant l’Algérie, en peinture, en lithographie et en photographie. Cette spécificité de notre corpus nous permet de soutenir l’existence d’une consommation locale de cartes postales à Alger, de la part de la communauté européenne. Pour appuyer notre argument, nous faisons une étude comparative avec Cagayous, un feuilleton très populaire parmi les Européens à Alger. Les chercheurs considèrent ce feuilleton représentatif de cette population et du contexte local. Nous montrons que, même si ces cartes postales semblent plus réalistes que les images orientalistes typiques, elles ne sont pas dépourvues de stratégies visuelles et idéologiques rattachées au système colonial. Ces stratégies sont détaillées et analysées au cours de cette étude. / This thesis analyzes two postcards of the city of Algiers, which represent public space. The public spaces show people from mixed communities. These cards were produced in Algiers between about 1890 and 1914, a period which brings together the heyday of the postcard medium and the summit of European colonisation in Algeria. The corpus was chosen because it differs from the general production of Algerian postcards and from the body of images representing Algeria in painting, lithography, and in photography. This specificity of our corpus allows us to argue for the existence of a local consumption of these postcards of Algiers, by the European community. To support this claim, we conduct a comparative study with Cagayous, an extremely popular serial for the Europeans of Algiers. Scholars consider the serial to be representative of this population and the local context. We show that, even if these postcards seem more realistic than typical Orientalist images, they are not devoid of visual strategies and ideologies related to the colonial system. These strategies are detailed and analyzed in this thesis.

This dissertation analyzes seventeenth- and eighteenth-century French perceptions of the bodies of Indians in New France and Louisiana. It reveals that all French authors who visited New France in the early seventeenth century believed that human differences were mutable and, with instruction and land cultivation, Indians would physically and culturally assimilate into French colonial society---if Europeans did not degenerate from life in the wilderness first. Beginning in the late seventeenth century, missionary disillusionment, colonial projections of order and later Enlightenment concepts of natural rights and systems of nature prompted authors to reformulate these early perceptions. As Indians appeared unwilling or unable to adopt civilized manners, some authors concluded that natives did not possess the reason needed to do so. By the late eighteenth century, some colonial officials and European naturalists suggested that the physique and morals of North American Indians were not mutable but, instead, that Indians in French North America were permanently and essentially incapable of "improving" either their bodies or their minds. / Historians studying seventeenth- and eighteenth-century colonial perceptions of North American Indians have generally analyzed European depictions of Indians with twentieth-century understandings of human difference. By examining French perceptions of Indians with early modern understandings of the body, this thesis seeks to see natives through the eyes of the authors who described them. / The sources for this study include French travelogues and missionary accounts from New France and Louisiana which were published contemporaneously, correspondence and memoirs which have since been published and archived letters from colonial administrators writing from Canada and Louisiana.

In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the merchants of Julfa, a town on the trade routes linking the Mediterranean with Iran, developed an extensive international trade network reaching from the Atlantic coast of Europe to the Indian Ocean. Part 1 of the dissertation traces the history of Julfa and examines the factors contributing to the Armenians' success - among them the significant growth of Iranian raw silk exports to Europe; the stimulus to East-West trade given by the influx of American silver to Europe and the consequent imbalance in the value of bullion between Europe, the Middle East and South Asia; the forced resettlement of the Julfans in Isfahan and the formation of a close economic relationship with the Safavi court. Part 2 concentrates on social and economic organisation, examining the structure of the Armenian patriarchal household and its commercial operation as family firm, and the community and its provision of the institutions that upheld commercial law and the merchants' system of values and standards of behaviour. The discussion in Chapters 4 and 5 of partnership and agency and the credit system operated by the Julfans is based on research into surviving contracts and credit instruments. These documents also provide the material for Part 3. The Julfan mercantile documents are a unique record of the commercial world of an Asian trading community in the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries. They also present numerous technical difficulties, which are discussed through the presentation of examples of documents in the original, with translation, notes and a glossary. The history of the Julfa merchants affords a rare opportunity for close examination of the organisation and techniques of trade in Asia and provides a basis for comparison with other Asian merchants.

L'examen attentif des concordances ponctuelles et annexes des romans de Tristan et Wîs et Râmîn de Gorgâni dévoilela survivance d'un passé idéologique commun provenant de I'idéologie tripartite des Indo-européens. Comme le récitdu roman persan date de l'époque parthe, cette thèse pour découvrir l'énigme d'une transmission ou d'un emprunt, se focalise sur I'origine iranienne de certains thèmes et motifs du roman de Tristan et retrace la migration d'un rameau des peuples iraniens en Europe jusqu'en France. Ce peuple que la mémoire historique connaît sous le nom des Alains était I'un des descendants des Scythes qui étaient eux-mêmes les frères nomades des Parthes. / A careful examination of occasional concordances and appendices of Tristan and Gorgâni's Wîs and Râmîn novel reveals the survival of a common ideological past borrowed from Indo-Europeans tripartite ideology. As the narration of the Persian novel dates from the Parthian period, this thesis to solve the enigma of a transmission or an adaptation focuses on the Iranian origin of some themes and motifs of Tristan novel and retraces the migration of a branch of lranian people in Europe, even to France. This people who is known by historical memory under the name of the Alans, was one of thedescendants of the Scythians who were themselves the nomadic brothers of the Parthians.

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Title: Comparison of selected performance indicators basketball players from NBA in matches at the European Championship in 2011 and World Cup 2014 Goals: Analyze individual efforts NBA players for two international events with national team, in broader context to evaluate and quantify their efficiency with the two special coefficients. Compare their performance on each tournament with using selected statistics, than compare them with the elite players in many categories at the championships, but also in their teams. I think very useful is final comparison their results on tournaments with their career averages from national team and NBA regular season, to see if the performances for national team achieve their performances in the best club competition in the world. In teoretical part I'll also focus to the socio-economic aspects affecting composition of national basketball teams, which significantly affect the overall composition and therofore their success , which is prestented by overall team placement. Obvious is endeavour to describe the diversity of game plans in overeas and Europe, but also different politics of NBA and FIBA. Method: For my thesis I chose a secondary analysis of official statistics NBA players emerged on both of these tournaments, so the Europeans, but also with a valid...

Peintre bruxellois aujourd’hui méconnu, Léon Frederic (1856-1940), surnommé le « gothique moderne », tint un rôle important au tournant du XXe siècle comme l’un des représentants de la modernité picturale belge, tant sur la scène artistique nationale qu’internationale. S’appuyant sur un examen rigoureux d’un fonds d’atelier de plusieurs milliers de pièces, d’archives et de correspondances inédites, ainsi que sur l’établissement du catalogue raisonné de l’œuvre, cette étude souhaite reconstituer la trajectoire d’un peintre omniprésent, oublié face à la « mythologie de rupture » des avant-gardes. Si l’histoire de l’art a retenu l’image d’un peintre mystique reclus à la campagne, l’appréhension de sa carrière a permis de reconstituer le portrait d’un faux-naïf conscient des enjeux promotionnels, appartenant à une nouvelle élite belge qui fut à l’origine de l’intense vie culturelle bruxelloise. Frederic a su élaborer une mise en image inédite du « peuple », ouvrier et paysan, aussi bien comme point de convergence de l’image utile et morale, souhaitée par les tenants de l’art social, que comme projection d’un imaginaire culturel issu de la tradition et propre à une élite en quête d’un avenir meilleur pour les classes défavorisées. Stylistiquement, son art, se rapprochant de l’« archaïsme moderne » cher à Emile Verhaeren, l’impose dans le nouveau champ moderniste des sécessions comme l’ethnotype idéal et recherché de l’artiste « flamand ». Peintre bourgeois et marginal, élitaire et social, national et cosmopolite, Frederic est apparu comme l’un des hérauts adoubés de la modernité du temps et nous invite à remettre en question la binarité de la conception de l’art à la fin du XIXe siècle. / The Belgian painter Léon Frederic (1856-1940), nicknamed the “gothique moderne”, played a key role at the turn of the 20th century as one of the main actors of Belgian modern art, both on the national and international artistic scene. Based on a rigorous examination of a studio collection of several thousand pieces, archives and unpublished correspondence, as well as on the realization of the catalogue raisonné of the work, this study aims to reconstruct the trajectory of an omnipresent painter, forgotten faced with the "mythology of rupture" of the avant-garde. If the history of art has retained the image of a mystical painter recluse in the countryside, the comprehension of his career enabled to reconstruct the portrait of a “faux-naïf” aware of the promotional stakes. Frederic belongs to a new Belgian elite who was at the origin of the intense cultural life in Brussels. Throughout his career, he has developed a new image of the "people", worker and peasant, both as a point of convergence of the necessary and moral image, wanted by the supporters of the social art, and as a projection of a cultural imagination, specific to an elite in search of a better future for the underprivileged classes. Stylistically, his art, approaching the "archaïsme moderne" theorized by Emile Verhaeren, imposes it in the new international and modernist field of the Secessions as the ideal and sought-after ethnotype of the "Flemish" artist. A bourgeois and marginal painter, elite and social, national and cosmopolitan, Frederic appeared as one of the heralds of the modernity and invites us to question the binarity of the conception of art at the end of the 19th century.

Bibliography : leaves 351-380 / xxii, 380 [37] leaves : ill., map ; 30 cm. / Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of History, 1994?