This thesis analyzes the Visegrad Group&rsquo / s stance toward the Russian-German Nord Stream and Russian-Italian South Stream gas pipeline projects, which aimed to circumvent the traditional energy routes situated in Central Europe and Eastern Europe. The level of the Visegrad Group&rsquo / s dependency on inherited Soviet gas pipeline routes is examined alongside the Visegrad Group&rsquo / s policy setting ability within the group itself and in the European Union. The thesis also traces the evolution of energy relations between Europe and Russia and Visegrad Group&rsquo / s adaptation to the new state of affairs after the collapse of the Soviet Union, particularly with respect to energy issues. It is argued that despite all differences, Visegrad Group members are able to set a cooperation platform at times of crisis and develop common energy strategies. However, the thesis shows that the Visegrad Group&rsquo / s endeavor has encountered some setbacks at the national level and serious challenges at the European level, largely owing to the lack of a common European energy policy. The thesis concludes that the Visegrad Group&rsquo / s energy policy is both dependent on the stances of Russia and larger EU actors.

The master thesis is about the Nord-Stream gas pipeline from Russia to Germany, which will cross the Baltic Sea and go through territorial waters of Denmark, Finland and Sweden. Nord-Stream is a complex project with different stakeholders and different interests. The main focus of the study is the representation of the Nord-Stream project in the media of Russia and Sweden as stakeholders in the deal. The period of media representation is 2009.

This Master thesis takes its point of departure in the contemporary debate on the separation of the foreign policy strategies geopolitics and geoeconomics. Contrary to previous literature which analyzes geostrategies from the perspective of the operating state, this study offers a different perspective by shedding light on how the target (state) perceives and respond to a particular geostrategy. In doing so, it attempts to understand why a target treats a commercial project as geopolitics despite the project’s manifest geoeconomic character. By looking at Sweden’s geopolitical approach regarding the building of the Nord Stream 2 pipeline, the aim is to challenge a theoretical framework on geoeconomics and geopolitics which theorizes that certain geostrategies give rise to pre-determined behavioral paths. The method employed is a qualitative content analysis that uses open-coding to capture the essence of the Swedish parliament’s approach to the issue. Based on the analysis, there are signs of both geopolitical and geoeconomic effects with regards to the Swedish behavior. Territorial concerns regarding Slite port and increased energy dependence on Russia were in particular articulated throughout the debate as ways to block the pipeline. These frames were, however, to a large extent based on Russia’s previous aggressive behavior in Ukraine in 2014. This finding suggests that geostrategies cannot be fully understood without placing them in relation to crucial previous events. Ultimately, although an operation is geoeconomic by nature, the target may identify it as geopolitics if the operating state has displayed aggressive behavior in the past. Geopolitics and geoeconomics are as a result difficult to separate as distinct foreign policy strategies.

The fossil gas pipeline Nord Stream 2 between Russia and Germany has caused massive criticism in the West. At first sight, it appears paradoxical that Germany, an influential member of NATO and the EU, approves more dependence on an increasingly assertive Russia. This, recently after launching an extensive green transformation of its energy system. The grand theories of IR struggles to get a firm grip of the case. This master thesis explores how the political line can be understood, and what it tells us about German foreign policy in a broader context. The study is carried out as a case study, mapping the material circumstances of supply and demand of natural gas, as well as looking into the domestic and international actors involved. Theoretically, the concept of geo-economics is deployed combined with the analytical pair of logic of appropriateness and consequence in decision-making, with the aim to achieve theoretical sensitivity. The premiss of the analysis is that energy security is existential for modern industrialized states and thereby rather obligatory to solve for political leaders to solve. In the specific case do natural gas occupy relative benefits that makes it favourable for Germany. Depleting resources of gas, crummy alternatives, and the historical and present conditions of interdependence, has become evident as key variables behind the decision-making. However, the argument is also made that the specific decision says relatively little about the general democratic and multilateral objectives of Germany. Hence, Nord Stream 2 should be analysed in the light of the unique nature of energy politics and the case specific circumstances. The conclusion is that the political line of Germany regarding Nord Stream 2 should be understood as driven by the pursuit of energy security, in combination with a range of case specific, mostly material, circumstances.

The invasion of Ukraine by Russia in February 2022 has greatly impacted the political environment, especially, around energy and gas imports from Russia. As a country previously highly dependent on Russian gas and the Nord Stream 2 project underway, Germany’s position is particularly interesting. While there is literature on the topic, it lacks the utilization of discourse analysis. To identify discursive changes in the use of language in the German government, official government speeches or statements from the early 2000s and after the Ukraine crisis in 2014 are being analysed. The happenings of 2014 are considered to be the first significant event in the energy relation between Germany and Russia. Both stylistic devices and narratives are being considered in the analysis. The findings show a lack of application of stylistic devices throughout the selected material, wherefore no discursive differentiation can be found. However, general narrative changes can be identified throughout the material and defined time periods, starting with optimism towards economic cooperation with Russia. After the Ukraine crisis, the narrative shifted to a more apprehensive one, while still advocating for the energy imports from Russia. With Russia no longer being a reliable supplier from 2022 on, the narrative finally shifts to negative. In the later material concrete approaches to diversification are also discussed contributing to a narrative that moves away from Russia as a single energy source.

This Master thesis examines the German foreign energy policy with focus on the German- Russian energy cooperation and the pipeline projects Nord Stream I and II. It seeks to analyze inconsistencies or even contradictions in the German foreign policy regarding the Nord Stream project. Both strategic and business interests on one hand and value based policy on the other are present and observable. Therefore this paper works with Jakub Eberle's concept of Germany as "dividual actor" which enables us to work with the already mentioned inconsistencies. Furthermore, this approach allows us to observe "geo-economic power" aspects in German actions (favoring strategic and mostly business interests) as well as "civilian power" aspects (value based policy) and eventually to see Germany as an actor in the international relations in its complexity. This thesis therefore aims to contribute to a broader debate about German actorness and its roles in international system. Moreover, German domestic energy policy will be analyzed in order to provide us with the basis for German foreign energy policy. The main focus of this paper is on natural gas and its importance in the German energy mix as well as on German dependence on its imports. The import routes and primarily the pipeline routes Nord Stream I and II are...

It is no secret that policy, to a large degree, informs what policy objectives should and can be pursued given a sector or policy domain. However, what happens when multiple levels of policy exist and regulate the same geographical area? The present study explores how complex multi-leveled policy areas affect Environmental Policy Implementation (EPI) and what happens when policy objectives from one level stand against policy objectives on another. By looking at national, supranational, and international policy governing the Swedish Exclusive Economic Zone (SEEZ) and comparing these to the Swedish government decisions on the Nord Stream I and II pipelines (2009 and 2018); the present study has explored to what extent policy objectives and underlying frames from the different policy levels have affected the decisions. The study has worked through the theoretical lenses of Environmental Policy Integration and Frame theory; and has applied thematic analysis and frame analysis methods. The study has concluded that, while policy objectives reflecting strong EPI exist in national policy, the weak EPI of the supranational and international policies policy objectives makes it implausible for effective EPI to be the outcome of decisions in the SEEZ. Without a strong value hierarchy prioritizing environmental objectives, it is unlikely that the Baltic Sea, or other similar multi-leveled policy areas, can achieve sustainable development.

No description available.

Energy and its policy has been a priority for the EU since its establishment. The EU indicates the competitiveness, sustainability and security of supply to be the core pillars of energy policy, which guide energy projects and their implementations in the EU territory. Nonetheless, disagreements and different opinions on the natural gas transmission pipeline Nord Stream 2 reveal that the solidarity in terms of energy policy is not apparent. Hence, the purpose of this study is to reveal how the framings of the project are constructed by the most vocal actors - the EU institutions, Germany, Poland and Russia – in order to indicate implications of the frames to the future of the project and the EUenergy policy. The purpose of the study is achieved by adopting energy security concept as theoretical lens and frame analysis as a primary method of research. The study reveals that the actors frame the project in terms of energy security dimensions and energy security logics. The study concludes that the actors prioritize security of supply pillar to the largest extent and thus it poses complications to attain a currently core element of the EU energy policy – sustainability, and implement the NS2 project due to the lack of solidarity among actors.

This master's thesis examines the importance of the explosion incident at Nord Stream and Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine on Sweden’s security sectors. The critical energy project Nord Stream 1 and its expansion to Nord Stream 2 have created bipolar attitudes and debates in Sweden and the EU regarding the security implications of increased Russian power. The Ukraine war and the physical attack on the pipelines have only amplified security concerns in the international political arena. This thesis aims to provide a descriptive understanding of the explosion incident and Russia’s aggressive actions in Ukraine and their resulting impact on Sweden’s ability to establish a stable security strategy viewed by security sectors such as national-, environmental-, energy-, military-, economic-, human-, and societal-security. Additionally, this thesis also explores these issues from Sweden’s perspective with the use of classic international relations perspectives such as realism and liberalism. Results present that the security sector reports heightened tensions, with Russia potentially increasing military activities. New intensified threat perception for Sweden, negative environmental impacts, affecting on human health and security. Effects regarding energy security. New security threats for Russia's establishment within the European market, impact and effects on nations' identity and uncertainty about the new political situation, and increased insecurity for essential societal infrastructures.